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• v.13(8); 2021 Aug

Astral Projection: A Strange Out-of-Body Experience in Dissociative Disorder

Varchasvi mudgal.

1 Psychiatry, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Medical College, Indore, IND

Rashmi Dhakad

Rahul mathur, ujwal sardesai, virendra pal.

Out-of-body experiences (OBEs) are hallucinatory visual experiences that involve seeing the physical body placed in an external visual space. Many psychiatric disorders, brain dysfunctions, pharmacological agents, and altered psychological states are reportedly associated with these phenomena. OBEs have been linked to various brain lesions, particularly in the parietal and temporal regions, psychiatric disorders, severe emotional states like a near-death experience, substance use, migraine, and epilepsy, but very few have been reported in dissociative identity disorder. In this report, we present the case of a 15-year-old male patient who described a strange experience where he found himself to be floating outside his own body while he visualized his own body from a third-person perspective. On further evaluation, a diagnosis of dissociative identity disorder and dissociative fugue was formulated. The patient showed improvement after undergoing abreaction, hypnosis, and relaxation training along with supportive psychotherapy. Dissociative disorders occur due to an internal conflict between ego and self, when a person is unable to successfully repress a traumatic experience, or when a repressed memory or experience comes out of the cocooned barrier, leading to an altered state of perception and self-experience, which is described by the patient as OBE. This report presents a scarce differential in the context of psychiatric illness, which might be helpful in the formulation of approaches toward management in cases of such OBE, making it a strange yet intriguing addition to the literature.

Introduction

Out-of-body experiences (OBEs) are visual hallucinatory experiences in which the individual sees his/her own physical body placed in external visual space, like a reflection in the mirror. Many psychiatric disorders, altered psychological states, brain dysfunction, psychoactive substances, and pharmacological agents are reportedly associated with these phenomena [ 1 ]. There are about six major variants of the autoscopic phenomenon, namely negative autoscopy, which refers to the failure to perceive one’s own body either in a mirror or when looked at directly; inner autoscopy, which pertains to the experience of visual hallucinations of internal organs in extra-corporeal space looked at directly; the feeling of presence where the patient has a distinct feeling of the physical presence of another person; heautoscopy proper where the patient does not localize himself in the position of the mirror image; autoscopic hallucination, which refers to the patient seeing an exact mirror image of himself, or of his face or trunk; and OBE, which is characterized by the projection of an observing (psychological) self in extrapersonal space seemingly totally dissociated from the physical body [ 2 - 3 ]. 

In OBE, the projection of an observing (psychological) self is seen in extra-personal space that seems totally dissociated from the physical body. In this phenomenon, the patient from a location distinct from his physical body sees himself and the surrounding world. These phenomenological states are divided into three categories, namely disembodiment, the sense of seeing the body from a remote and raised visuospatial perspective (extra-corporeal egocentric perspective), and the sense of seeing one’s own body from an aerial position, which is sometimes referred to as astral projection [ 3 - 4 ]. OBEs have been linked to various brain lesions, particularly in the parietal and temporal regions, psychiatric disorders, severe emotional states like a near-death experience, substance use, migraine, and epilepsy, but very few have been reported in dissociative identity disorder. The recent Marvel movie “Dr. Strange”, and "The Last Hour", an over-the-top (OTT) series, have dealt with this fascinating phenomenon where the character experiences a form of depersonalization with his parasomatic component coming out of his body and is visualized by his own self from a third-person perspective described as astral projection. An OBE can be understood as a form of dissociation and transpersonal experience. There is a plethora of anecdotal but little empirical evidence related to the connection of dissociation and OBE, implying a shortcoming in the understanding of OBEs [ 5 - 6 ]. This strange and rare phenomenon has usually been reported in organic states, under substance influence, and intense emotional states. In this report, we present a case involving a lucid state of OBE in the context of dissociative identity disorder.

Case presentation

The patient was a 15-year-old male child belonging to an urban, middle socioeconomic class, who was living with his father; his mother had abandoned him as a child. He presented to the department of psychiatry with his father, who reported that the child had frequently run away from home in the past three to four years; he had started behaving differently and had shown decreased social interest, irritability, and persistent sadness of mood for the past two to three months. The father reported that after the patients' most recent disappearance from home, he had been contacted by police officials of another state one month after the patient had run away; they had informed him that the patient was at a childcare facility and could be picked up from there. The patient described that after he had run away, he would assume the identity of an 18-year-old Mr. S, who was an electrician. During subsequent interviews, patients described an unusual experience where he had found himself to be floating outside his own body while he visualized his own body from a third-person perspective. This incident had occurred during one of his fugue states in another city; he described being inside a hospital room with doctors who were questioning him about his current state. Later, he had felt like someone else had occupied his body and his soul had left his body and floated up to the ceiling and was completely detached from his body; from his visuospatial angle, he had been able to visualize his own body, which had been very clear while the parasomatic body had not been well defined and he could only see its hands, He had tried tirelessly to reach back to his original self but had been unable to do so. He had seen his body being interviewed by the doctors to whom his parasomatic image tried to reach out, but he had little control over its movement and kept on floating. This episode had only lasted for a short period of time, about 10-15 minutes as estimated by the patient, during which he had remained in the air observing his original self and in very little control of the parasomatic body. The original self had been replying briefly to the interviewers as per the patient as he described it was not him who was in control of his original self.

The patient’s past history revealed that he had fled from his residence on three occasions previously, but he did not remember the reason for fleeing. His medical history was negative for symptoms of epilepsy, migraine, syncope, cerebrovascular accident, neurological deficit, etc. There was no history of episodes of hyperpyrexia warranting admission. No psychiatric illness or substance dependence was present in the family. His mother had left home when he had been a year old. His upbringing was done by his father. He was living in a joint family and as per the patient, the relations between family members were not congenial. Also, as per the patient, his father was very aggressive and short-tempered, and frequently hit him brutally, and he had sustained multiple injuries as well. This was why he frequently ran away, according to the patient.

Personal history revealed that the patient had been a full-term normal delivery with appropriate developmental milestones. The patient had speech disorder in the form of lisping since childhood and had traits conforming to conduct disorder, such as bullying young children and threatening them, behaving deceitfully, lying, and manipulating people to obtain favors, episodes of truancy from school, staying outside beyond home curfew, etc. He had a prior relationship with three girls, of which his father had not approved, and those had been short-lasting. He had fallen foul of the law during his time away from home, and he had spent few months in a correctional facility for juveniles in Gujarat, India. After corroboration from reliable informants and patient interviews, substance use was ruled out; also, the patient did not display any features of substance withdrawal during his inpatient stay. Premorbid personality assessment revealed that he was an introvert, optimistic regarding new situations, short-tempered, and self-dependent.

Vitals including temperature were unremarkable, ruling out hyperpyrexia. No other abnormality was detected during general and systemic examinations; an otorhinolaryngology opinion was also sought to rule out vestibular defects, which could contribute to OBEs. During the serial mental status examination, a rapport was built with the patient and he revealed that the lack of a mother and harsh parenting by his father had led to him to a state of persistent stress and he wished that this fugue-like state would end and described a feeling of helplessness and persistent sadness, which was also evident in his affect. He did not have any delusions or hallucinations and denied any change in sense of agency routinely. His speech was appropriate with a slight lisp, and his psychomotor activity was normal. Cognitive tests were unremarkable and appropriate to age. Baseline investigations including hemogram, liver, and renal function tests were within normal limits. Electroencephalography (EEG) did not reveal any abnormality. CT scan of the brain did not show any pathological findings.

A diagnosis of dissociative identity disorder and dissociative fugue was formulated along with secondary depression as per the International Classification of Diseases, Tenth Revision (ICD-10). His Adolescent Dissociative Experiences Scale-II (A-DES) score was 118/300 (suggestive of moderate dissociative experience) on initial assessment. Kutcher Adolescent Depression Scale (KADS) was used to assess depressive symptoms; the patient scored 9, which suggested possible depression. The neuropsychological assessment involved IQ assessment, and the Rorschach test was suggestive of depressive and anxiety disorder but no psychotic features. As a therapeutic modality, abreaction was performed using a guided interview along with injecting 1 mg Intravenous lorazepam after obtaining written consent from the patient and his guardian. He had another OBE during his interview, which was similar to the previous one. During the interview, he slipped into a trance-like state and gave brief answers. He stated as follows: “below me, I saw my body, from outside lying on bed and the doctor standing near me was asking some questions.” His voice was changed, his lisping was absent, and his tone was loud, and within few seconds, he started shouting but later calmed down within a few minutes. After the abreaction, his stress symptoms and depression improved. Escitalopram was initiated at a dose of 10 mg, which was titrated up to 15 mg in four weeks along with clonazepam 0.25 twice a day. Abreaction, hypnosis, and relaxation training along with supportive psychotherapy were provided to the patient in a structured format. His father was psycho-educated about his illness and was briefed about interpersonal conflict management. After four weeks of inpatient management, the symptoms of dissociation and the OBE phenomenon resolved. The patient was followed up for the next six months and did not report any further dissociative state or OBE.

OBEs are perceptual disturbances where the subjectively experienced location of the perceiving self is altered. It is characterized by a unique sense of visuospatial orientation and the presence of a real and parasomatic component. Dissociative experiences are very unusual and can present in different forms, which in turn can lead to reality-altering perceptions in the patient. The etiopathogenesis behind them could be psychopathological, neurological, social, or environmental, and secondary to their cultural relevance and acceptance, they could be presented in clinical settings and at times may remain undetected. One of the variants of dissociative experiences is the OBE. OBE can be understood as a state of depersonalization/derealization that manifests as feeling disconnected from one’s body/surroundings, unusual body experiences, with a background of emotional blunting. The literature on the cause of OBE mainly entails various neurological conditions like epileptic seizures and migraine, deficient visual, vestibular, and multisensory processing, near-death experiences, and psychedelic drug use. These peculiar experiences have been described as secondary to the psychopathology of psychiatric disorders such as schizophrenia, personality disorders, depersonalization, anxiety, dissociative disorders, and depression [ 7 - 8 ].

Delving into the psychopathological angle of OBE, we found increasing support for the theory that attributes the origins of OBEs to the mismatch and deficient working of neurocognitive processes that maintain self-awareness, which in turn creates distortions in the sense of agency, presence, and embodiment. The malfunctioning of multisensory integration can lead a person to transcend into a state of dissociation and associated perceptual distortions, which are construed as strange projections of self out of the body. Dissociative disorders represent a tussle between conscious and unconscious, when a person is unable to successfully repress a traumatic experience, or when a repressed memory or experience comes out of the cocooned barrier, leading to an altered state of perception and self-experience, which is described by the patient as OBE [ 9 - 10 ]. In our patient, his mother’s absence since childhood may have hindered regular feeling of attachment, evidenced by the lack of his bonding with his primary caregiver and association only with a small social group, which could have predisposed him to the dissociative state.

Conclusions

In our report, OBE was found secondary to dissociative disorder, which improved with the help of psychotherapy and psychotropics. The various differentials were ruled out using various investigations, vestibular defects testing, neuroimaging, and neuropsychological tests. Given the patient's response to psychopharmacology and the absence of further OBE in him, there is ample evidence to suggest that astral projection can be construed as a part of the dissociative experience rather than a breakdown of the sensory neural system or any significant organic state in the current report. Thus, this report presents a scarce differential in the context of psychiatric illness, which might assist in the formulation of approaches toward management in the case of such OBEs, making it a strange yet intriguing addition to the existing body of literature.

Acknowledgments

This case report was prepared with contributions from the patient and his father who were the informants and cooperated throughout. Their efforts and patience for the same are deeply appreciated. Additionally, I would like to extend my gratitude to my fellow residents who helped me through the report formulation.

The content published in Cureus is the result of clinical experience and/or research by independent individuals or organizations. Cureus is not responsible for the scientific accuracy or reliability of data or conclusions published herein. All content published within Cureus is intended only for educational, research and reference purposes. Additionally, articles published within Cureus should not be deemed a suitable substitute for the advice of a qualified health care professional. Do not disregard or avoid professional medical advice due to content published within Cureus.

The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Human Ethics

Consent was obtained or waived by all participants in this study. Ethics and Scientific Review Committee, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Medical College, Indore issued approval N/A. This study has been approved by the Ethics and Scientific Review Committee, Mahatma Gandhi Memorial Medical College, Indore.

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Article Contents

Introduction, lived space in persons with schizophrenia, materials and methods, further perspectives, conclusions, limitations, acknowledgments.

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Abnormal Space Experiences in Persons With Schizophrenia: An Empirical Qualitative Study

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Giovanni Stanghellini, Anthony Vincent Fernandez, Massimo Ballerini, Stefano Blasi, Erika Belfiore, John Cutting, Milena Mancini, Abnormal Space Experiences in Persons With Schizophrenia: An Empirical Qualitative Study, Schizophrenia Bulletin , Volume 46, Issue 3, May 2020, Pages 530–539, https://doi.org/10.1093/schbul/sbz107

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Abnormal space experience (ASE) is a common feature of schizophrenia, despite its absence from current diagnostic manuals. Phenomenological psychopathologists have investigated this experiential disturbance, but these studies were typically based on anecdotal evidence from limited clinical interactions. To better understand the nature of ASE in schizophrenia and attempt to validate previous phenomenological accounts, we conducted a qualitative study of 301 people with schizophrenia. Clinical files were analyzed by means of Consensual Qualitative Research, an inductive method for analyzing descriptions of lived experience. Our main findings can be summed up as follows: (1) ASEs are a relevant feature in schizophrenia (70.1% of patients reported at least 1 ASE). (2) ASE in schizophrenia are characterized by 5 main categories of phenomena (listed from more represented to less represented): (a) experiences of strangeness and unfamiliarity (eg “Everything appeared weird. Face distorted, world looks terrible, nasty”); (b) experiences of centrality/invasion of peripersonal space (eg “Handkerchief on scaffolding: message telling him something”); (c) alteration of the quality of things (eg “Buildings leaning down”); (d) alteration of the quality of the environment (eg “Person sitting six feet away seemed to be at an infinite distance”); and (e) itemization and perceptive salience (eg “All patients [in ward] have bright eyes”). (3) ASEs are much more frequent in acute (91.9%) than in chronic (28.15%) schizophrenia patients. Moreover, our findings further empirical support for phenomenological accounts of schizophrenia, including those developed by Jaspers, Binswanger, Minkowski, and Conrad, among others and provide the background for translational research.

Many empirical studies of schizophrenia leave us with an impoverished view of the experiential disturbances that characterize this condition. In this article, we present the results of a qualitative study of 301 people with schizophrenia, focusing on disturbances in one core structure of their experience: lived space, ie, space as experienced, not as an objective coordinate system 1 but the meaningful, practical space of everyday life. Lived space is centered on the person and characterized by qualities such as vicinity/distance, wideness/narrowness, and connection/separation. In it, things may appear salient, significant, and attractive or meaningless and irrelevant. 2

A number of studies have confirmed that experiences of space are altered for people with schizophrenia. 3–6 Building on and extending these studies, our aim is to provide a detailed description of what these spatial experiences are like and a nuanced insight into the lived world of people with schizophrenia, focusing on their experience of space, objects, and other human bodies.

Phenomenological studies of schizophrenia typically focus on experiential disturbances beyond current diagnostic criteria, such as disturbances of selfhood. 7 , 8 With the recent introduction of the Examination of Anomalous World Experience (EAWE), 9 phenomenological psychopathologists attended to disturbances of lived space in schizophrenia. 10 An exploratory study reviewing classical phenomenological literature and first-person reports provided an initial sketch of abnormal space experiences (ASE) in schizophrenia. However, as the authors say, “[o]ur approach is fairly speculative and anecdotal, and obviously needs to be corroborated by empirical research — to which it should serve as a necessary theoretical preliminary.”  11(p133) Because our aim is to provide such an empirical investigation, we here briefly review these preliminary findings as a background for our empirical research.

The current literature suggests that ASE in schizophrenia, especially in early schizophrenia, are common but varied. Normal spatial properties, such as relative size or shape of things, can alter. 11 Some patients report a sense of space being infinite, stretching on forever. This is accompanied by a sense of displacement. This may manifest as an ontological focus, in which the mere existence of objects—rather than their practical significance—is what stands out. 11(p147) They may feel that they have no definite point of view upon the world—they feel displaced or out of place. 11(p135) Space may also take on an uncanny atmospheric quality, as if the space itself is threatening or foreboding or has some special (but inarticulable) meaning. Sometimes this strange atmospheric disturbance culminates in an experience of solipsism: the world depends on the very existence of the person with schizophrenia.

And this experience can apply to objects within space as well. Things may be perceived as no longer flesh-and-blood entities but mere images. Everyday utensils can lose their sense of practical significance, 2 , 12 have an uncanny or highly individualized meaning, or “uncanny particularity”  13 that one cannot fully grasp: “[e]very detail and event takes on an excruciating distinctness, specialness, and peculiarity”  14(p52) —some definite meaning that eludes all attempts to grasp it. Space itself may be experienced as if from no particular standpoint or as having some special personal or revelatory meaning.

This is a retrospective study on clinical files of 550 consecutive patients affected by schizophrenia and affective disorders interviewed between 1979 and 1993 by J.C. (an experienced senior psychiatrist). Patients were assessed through clinical interviews in a “second opinion” program. Details of the interview process are given in Methods. Appropriate consent was obtained from all patients for the purpose of the interviews.

The study is in accordance with the ethical principles of the Declaration of Helsinki with the ethical code of the Association of Italian Psychologists 15 and Legislative Decree 196/June 30, 2003 (Italian personal data protection code). 16 All data were gathered prior to Italian Law 675/96 and Legislative Decree 196/03 17 ; as these norms are not retroactive, the approval of an ethics committee does not apply.

Diagnoses, which at the time of the first interview were assigned according to the diagnostic and statistical manual of mental disorders (DSM)-III-R, were reassigned according to DSM-5. Disagreements among investigators about diagnosis were a case of exclusion. Sample extraction is detailed in figure 1 and demographic features of the final sample in Table 1 . Of the original 550 patients, 301 (54.72%) were retained for subsequent qualitative analysis: 103 chronic schizophrenia patients and 198 acute schizophrenia patients. Acute schizophrenia patients had clinical exacerbation occurring in the last month confirmed by major changes in pharmacotherapy; chronic schizophrenia patients have at least 2 years of continuous duration of illness.

Sample extraction.

Sociodemographic features

In the present study, we restricted our analysis of the clinical material to subjective anomalies in one’s feelings, sensations, and perceptions arising in the domain of lived space (termed “abnormal space experience,” ASE). Our a priori definition of ASE is the following: an anomalous awareness of surrounding environment affecting its extension, distances, or perspectival properties, as well as the characteristics of things or persons.

Data were collected via a semistructured interview with open questions, adopting an interactive conversational style exploring life-time symptoms and abnormal phenomena. The aim was to extract experiential patterns of fringe experiences from self-descriptions, particularly with regard to space, time, body, and self. Interviews sought the qualitative features of experiences and to illuminate them through vivid self-descriptions rather than measure or causally explain them.

Interview questions related to abnormal fringe phenomena were always generated within the interview context and attuned with the interviewee’s personal experience and involvement. Examples of questions and prompts include “Did you ever experience a weird atmosphere, as if the others were all looking at you or things arranged around you in order to mean something to you?”; “Did you experience some strangeness in the proximity or distance of things, for instance, or in their dimensions, shape and colours?”; “Did you ever experience the environment as flat, without any point of orientation, meaningless?” The duration of the interview was approximately 90 min.

The study was retrospective on clinical records that were originally produced by taking notes during the interview. From 2009, these were digitized and subsequently reexamined for the purpose of the present research. All data contained in the original interview notes, including age, sex, handedness, IQ, number of episodes, duration of illness, major medical information (eg, brain trauma, serious physical, and neurological illness), main symptoms (eg, delusions and hallucinations), and abnormal experiences of space, time, body, and self were inserted into the digitalized database. The project, named “Life-World Project” (LWP), 18–33 a descriptive study of the lived world in which the patient actually exists, was not carried out until 30 years after data collection since no suitable qualitative methodology (consensual qualitative research, CQR) was established and manualized until recently. The LWP has two main aims: clinical (to improve diagnostic validity, reliability, and the phenomenological understanding and treatment of severe mental disorders) and ethical (as only within the realm of one’s own lifeworld can one be understood by one’s community, and only in it can one work together with them and a common, communicative surrounding be constituted).

Digitized clinical files were subsequently reexamined by two senior psychiatrists (G.S. and M.B.). All available psychopathological data (eg, delusions and hallucinations) were classified according to manual for assessment and documentation of psychopathology in psychiatry Section 4, 34 a comprehensive tool of psychopathological assessment including symptoms’ operational definitions.

ASE were reclassified following CQR. 35 , 36 Qualitative research is essential for improving the understanding of the patients’ morbid subjectivity, not constrained by fixed schemata, such as specific rating scales, bringing forth the typical feature(s) of subjective experiences in a given phenomenon. CQR is designed for in-depth descriptions of subjective phenomena while reducing the bias of the researcher’s subjectivity. We adopted CQR for the following reasons: (1) CQR is a manualized method—the existence of a handbook is essential for making a qualitative method transmissible and replicable; (2) CQR is a rigorous reflexivity practice 36 , 37 based on “consensus among judges” procedure allowing for better objectivity through intersubjectivity; (3) CQR does not aim to select a single-core category with a hierarchical structure because it does not aim to propose a new theory but to describe a given phenomenon in great detail. The researchers for this study were two senior psychiatrists (G.S. and M.B.) and two senior psychologists (S.B. and E.B.). The external auditor was a senior psychologist (M.M.).

In the phase called “cross-analysis,” we identified common themes in ASE in order to place the central experiences within the categories. According to CQR, a typical category must include more than half of the participants. Each category (eg “strangeness and unfamiliarity”) may include more subcategories (eg, “weird atmosphere”). More details can be found in Stanghellini et al. 18 , 22

About 70.1% (211 out of 301) of patients reported at least one ASE. ASE are more frequent in acute (182/198, 91.9%) than in chronic schizophrenia patients (29/103, 28.15%). Thirty-four patients experienced ASEs in different categories; the most frequent coexistence was between strangeness and unfamiliarity and centrality/invasion of peripersonal space. Thirty-one patients reported more than one ASE in the same category.

Our main findings can be summed up as follows: (1) ASEs are a relevant feature in schizophrenia. (2) ASEs in schizophrenia are characterized by 5 main categories of phenomena: (a) experiences of strangeness and unfamiliarity ; (b) experiences of centrality/invasion of peripersonal space ; (c) alteration of the quality of things ; (d) alteration of the quality of the environment ; and (e) itemization and perceptive salience . (3) ASE in acute and chronic schizophrenia show different profiles (see table 2 ).

Abnormal space experiences (ASEs) in persons with schizophrenia: N of reported ASEs and N of patients reporting ASEs

Category 1: Strangeness and Unfamiliarity (83/301; Acute: 72/198 [This Ratio Expresses the Number of Reported Experiences/Number of Patients]; Chronic: 11/103)

Things and the whole world appear unusual. Space and things lose their materiality and become spooky. An ambiguous and elusive atmosphere emerges (see table 3 ).

Categories 1 and 2

Typical sentences: “ Everything appeared weird. Face distorted, world looks terrible, nasty,” “World looks watery, strange, different.”

This category includes two subcategories:

Sub-category 1.1: Weird Atmosphere (40/301; Acute: 35/198; Chronic: 5/103). Typical sentences: “World look angelic, heavenly surroundings”, “Everything unreal” . Sub-category 1.2: Strangeness about people’s expressive properties (43/301; Acute: 37/198; Chronic: 6/103). Typical sentences: “Faces look sunken, as if they’re different people”, “Other people toys” .

Category 2: Experiences of Centrality/Invasion of Peripersonal Space (76/301; Acute: 65/198; Chronic: 11/103)

Patients feel uncomfortably center-stage. Others spy on them, send them messages, or hide something for them. Things are directed to them with personal meaning (see table 3 ).

Typical sentences: “Cat jumping into cardboard box signified a spiritual change in her,” “TV, radio, people on buses refer to him.”

Category 3: Alteration of Quality of Things (36/301; Acute: 31/198; Chronic: 5/103)

Patients’ experience of dimensions, colors, and shape of things is altered. This category includes macropsia, micropsia, dysmegalopsia, objects fragmented, flat, unrelated, or with colors shining (see table 4 ).

Categories 3, 4, and 5

Typical sentences: “Writing and other things got smaller and smaller,” “Colors of jeans more realistic.”

Subcategory 3.1: Alteration of colors (24/301; Acute: 20/198; Chronic: 4/103). Typical sentences: “Colours muddies,” “Brown looks different.” Subcategory 3.2: Alteration of geometric proprieties (dimensions and shape) (12/301; Acute: 11/198; Chronic: 1/103) Typical sentences: “Tables geometrically displaced,” “Neck of nurses seemed long.”

Category 4: Alteration of the Quality of the Environment (30/301; Acute: 26/198; Chronic: 4/103)

Patients’ experience environment’s dimensions, distances, and perspective as distorted. The background comes into the foreground. Space becomes 2D, an immense flatness that at the same time may elicit sensations of claustrophobia. Spatial perspectives may become misleading. Patients may lose the sense of having a “center” or a point of view. These experiences are accompanied by subjective states of disorientation (see table 4 ).

Typical sentences: “Person sitting 6 feet away seemed to be at infinite distance,” “I felt spaceless.”

Sub-category 4.1: Alteration of the environment extension (20/301; Acute: 17/198; Chronic: 3/103). Typical sentences: “Walls moving”, “Short road seemed miles and miles as if it opened up and swallowed me” . Sub-category 4.2: Spatial disorientation (10/301; Acute: 9/198; Chronic: 1/103). Typical sentences: “I was here and in a different dimension at the same time.”, “On tube I don’t feel I’m going anywhere, it’s always in the same place”.

Category 5: Itemization and Perceptive Salience (21/301; Acute: 21/198; Chronic: 0/103)

Patients experience their environment as fragmented. Spatial Gestalt is a mere collection of unrelated items and decontextualized details standing out, losing all connection with the context background (see Table 4 ).

Typical sentences: “Locks on door and fridge frightened me,” “Flooded by too much detail. Too many objects in a room. More details in objects”.

A number of phenomenological studies have investigated the experience of schizophrenia, including alterations of lived space. 3–6 However, much of this literature—while insightful and theoretically robust—is limited by the anecdotal nature of the evidence, often relying on small sample sizes or single-case studies. While such approaches provide insight into particular cases, they risk generalizing these insights to all subjects with the same condition, failing to consider subtypes or internal complexities. 38 , 39 By drawing on larger patient samples, we can use phenomenology to identify distinct subtypes of disorders. 40

Our study provides empirical evidence in support of theoretical claims made by phenomenological psychopathologists. Binswanger and Conrad, for instance, argue that, in schizophrenia, attuned space (ie, space shaped by one’s mood) “loses its homogeneity, consistency, and taken for grandness, which can lead to delusional mood or to revelatory experiences.”  3 , 4 , 10 Phenomenologists seem to be largely in agreement over the nature of ASE in schizophrenia. For the sake of simplicity, we here discuss our findings in relation to Conrad’s conceptualization of the core of schizophrenic disturbance, 4 , 41 shedding light on abnormal phenomena underlying the genesis of schizophrenic symptoms, including delusional perception, thought control, broadcasting, and catatonia. He focuses on changes in the experiential field, especially in space perception.

Conrad develops a stage model that includes the following principal features:

Trema (stage fright), during which the foreground/background distinction is lost; the background loses its neutrality and becomes uncanny. “It is precisely the darkness as background which makes us tremble.”  4(p177)

Anastrophé (from Greek ana = back + strophé = to turn), during which the patient feels like the entire world’s passive middle point. “The entire matter revolves around me.”  4(p185)

Apophany (from Greek = revelation), during which the patient is stricken by details, jutting forward and pointing to the patient himself, having a special relationship and personal meaning to him. “The immediate, obtrusive knowing of significant meanings occur as a revelation.”  4(p178)

Our findings suggest at least two important results: first, a substantial difference in the prevalence of ASEs between acute and chronic schizophrenia patients; second, empirical evidence in support of previous phenomenological theories of ASE in acute schizophrenia. We address these two results in turn. In the final part, we draw hypotheses about the transitions from ASEs to full-blown psychotic symptoms.

ASEs in chronic vs acute schizophrenia

Only a minority of chronic schizophrenia patients show ASEs as compared to acute patients. Nearly all acute patients (182/198) reported ASEs, whereas less than one-third of chronic patients (29/103) did. This suggests that the acute/chronic distinction is not simply one of duration but may constitute substantial experiential differences. Our interpretation is that, whereas, in acute states, the metamorphosis of lived space has an obtrusive and frightening quality, capturing the patients’ attention and becoming the focus of his distress, in chronic states, habituation to these abnormal experiences may prevail reducing the distress caused by them and their captivating charm. Also, in chronic states, the perplexing and confusing character of ASEs may be overshadowed by the patient’s interpretation of these experiences. ASEs in acute states (especially in the beginning stages) bring about a puzzling world transformation but, at later stages, they may progressively become the core of a revelatory experience and part of a meaningful new world structure. ASEs in chronic schizophrenia undergo a process of normalization. Apophany, once it has taken place, makes unfamiliarity become familiar and abnormality become normality.

ASEs in Acute Schizophrenia

Our results corroborate the idea that, in acute schizophrenia, the natural perceptual structure is loosened; this entails that obtrusive decontextualized details, releasing abnormal/delusional meanings, strike the patient and capture him in a private idiosyncratic understanding of the world (Matussek, quoted in Conrad 4 ).

Sensation of strangeness and unfamiliarity and alteration of the quality of the environment parallel Conrad’s trema as they include perplexing and frightful phenomena like experiences of weird atmosphere, alteration of the environment extension, and spatial disorientation. The entire phenomenal field dissolves into a nebula of unrelated uncanny sensations. The environment loses its flesh-and-blood materiality. An ambiguous and elusive atmosphere emerges. The entire scenario is experienced as a theatrical stage. Space becomes 2D, perspectives become distorted, and the background comes to the foreground. This destructuring of the experiential field is accompanied by a feeling of mistrust.

Strangeness and unfamiliarity validate EAWE item 1.7 (“Disturbances of perceptual distance,” “Experience of infinite space,” “Figure/ground reversal,” “Loss of topographical orientation”). Alteration of the quality of the environment empirically substantiates EAWE item 1.8 (“Distorted experiences of space”) and particularly subtypes 1–4 (“Diminished perspectival orientation”).

Centrality/invasion of peripersonal space substantiates Conrad’s anastrophé . Centrality is a more severe degree of space deformation as compared to the previous ones as the loosening of the perceptual context is growing more pervasive. Objects appear out of their common-sense context and revolve around the subject, indicating to him that they concern him. Objects (or objects’ details) become obtrusive, invading the patient’s peripersonal space (PPS)—the portion of environment immediately surrounding one’s body. 42 They release obscure messages that center on the patient. The world takes up a specific relationship to him, although he may be unable to pinpoint in what sense it does so. This precedes the emerging of a precise meaning that takes place in the apophany stage.

Centrality is discussed in EAWE’s domain 6 (“Existential reorientation”) item 6.9 (“Feelings of centrality”), in the EASE (5.2), and in the autism rating scale dimension 2 (“Invasiveness”), specifically subdimension 2.1 “Immediate Feeling of Hostility or Oppression coming from the Others”. Centrality and invasiveness appear to be strictly related and we may argue that there is an increasing gradient of intrusion of patients’ PPS subtending them. PPS is considered the founding element of the so-called “spatial-self,” subtending self/other demarcation: it has been argued that people with schizophrenia display shallower limits of PPS reflecting an impaired constitution of the spatial self and, consequently, a weaker differentiation from others. 43 People with schizophrenia need wider interpersonal space when interacting with others. 44 , 45

Alteration of quality of things and itemization/salience capture the core of Conrad’s apophany , especially the transformation of the unitary structure of the world into a collection of itemized details. An object, or one of its properties, can be decontextualized. A doctor’s coat may be perceived according to an increased prevalence of one of its properties, eg, its color. The coat’s “whiteness” stands out of the other properties of the coat (eg, its material and form) and the context in which it is used (eg, a clinic or a lab). Once decontextualized, this property compels the patient to discover its “hidden” meaning (eg, barbering, handling sharp instruments, thus suggesting a “slaughtering house atmosphere”).

Alteration of quality of things corroborates EAWE item 1.6 (“Changes in quality, size or shape of visual perceptions”). Itemization is also described in the EAWE item 1.3 (“Visual Fragmentation”), which includes breakup of a scene or object and captivation of attention by isolated details (see also EASE 1.12.1).

Transitions From ASEs to Full-Blown Psychotic Symptoms.

The cross-sectional nature of our data does not allow inferences about the pathogenetic transitions leading from early space abnormalities to psychotic symptoms through intermediate phenomena in which ASEs become progressively more pronounced. It is tempting to hypothesize a continuum of anomalous experiences from milder forms of derealization during which reality turns into mere appearance (unfamiliarity, alteration of the quality of environment/things), culminating in more severe derealization experiences during which some uncanny meaningfulness starts to be revealed (centrality and salience). During these earlier stages the objectivity of the world gets lost. Finally, a new objectivity takes place in the form of delusions, which explain, for instance, that anonymous forces have created these appearances to fully reveal some new and deeper meanings to the experiencing subject. Longitudinal studies are needed to confirm this hypothesis.

It would be highly valuable to investigate the relations between ASE, abnormal time experiences (ATE), 18 and abnormal bodily phenomena (ABP). 22 The disruption of the coherence of the environmental space (eg, disintegration of the appearance of external objects and itemization of external world experience) may be related to the anomalous constitution of the bodily self (eg, disruption of the implicit sense of being a unified, bounded, and incarnated entity) and to abnormal constitution of time (disarticulation of the synthesis of past, present, and future)—the milestones of our self-world engagement. 46

The qualitative nature of our data does not allow for statistical correlations but, in our sample, there is a considerable overlap between ASE, ATE, and ABP in acute schizophrenia patients as 41 acute patients showed both ASE and ATE, 32 patients showed both ATE and ABP, and 93 both ASE and ABP. A candidate unifying phenomenon is itemization, which is present in all these features of schizophrenic experience.

Reliable and valid assessment instruments are needed to search for quantitative correlations between these different facets of anomalous experiences in schizophrenia patients and look for neurobiological correlates of ASE, ATE, and ABP. Inquiries into the spatiotemporal features of the brain’s spontaneous activity seem to be suitable, 47 , 48 namely “temporal dysbalance” and “temporal fragmentation” in the spontaneous activity during internally directed processing. 49

Our study confirms that ASE is a key feature of the puzzling metamorphosis of the schizophrenia lifeworld. Our results empirically corroborate previous theoretical or semiempirical conceptualization of this core feature of the schizophrenic condition and validate or improve definitions of several items included in recent phenomenological scales for the assessment of anomalous experiences in persons with schizophrenia.

Detailed knowledge of the anomalies of lived space can help elucidate the phenomenal background of schizophrenia, anomalous behavior, and apparent incoherent or bizarre thinking and grasp the basic perceptual anomalies from which more complex symptoms like delusions may arise. Last but not least, fine-grained descriptions of these anomalies can inform translational studies on the neural and biological bases of the schizophrenia phenotype.

Limitations include the archival nature of the data (written clinical notes), which might have impacted the accuracy of first-person descriptions; the lack of cognitive testing, which would have been useful to establish if and how the experiential and the cognitive levels are related to each other; and the lack of data about the possible effects of antipsychotics in relation to the overall evolution of anomalous self-experiences and world experiences.

A. V. Fernandez would like to thank the International Center for Applied Phenomenology at Seoul National University for supporting his work on this project.

Merleau-Ponty M. Phenomenology of Perception . New York, NY : Routledge ; 2012 .

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Astral projection revisited

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Dromomania: An Uncontrollable Urge to Travel

Personal perspective: the urge can be a symptom of schizophrenia or bipolar..

Updated June 12, 2024 | Reviewed by Michelle Quirk

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I will share with you how I exhibited dromomania (see clinical definition below) during the time I experienced schizoaffective disorder and then dropped out of college and became homeless.

In 2007 at age 25, I was diagnosed with schizophrenia. But it was not until many years after I had entered full recovery from schizophrenia that I learned about “dromomania,” a symptom I had experienced.

According to the American Psychological Association Dictionary of Psychology , dromomania is

“An abnormal drive or desire to travel that involves spending beyond one’s means and sacrificing job, partner, or security in the lust for new experiences. People with dromomania not only feel more alive when traveling but also start planning their next trip as soon as they arrive home. Fantasies about travel occupy many of their waking thoughts and some of their dreams . The condition was formerly referred to as vagabond neurosis .” 1

Looking back in time, it is amazing how perfectly this symptom of schizophrenia defines much of my behavior over many years. Perhaps the first alarming sign of my emerging schizophrenia manifested as an uncontrollable desire to travel.

During my college winter break of 2001–2002, my junior year, I went to China with two young women from my church. We visited impoverished areas where there was great need. This was my first international trip.

Immediately following my return, I made plans to spend the next summer in a remote slum of Nairobi, Kenya. I would travel there alone, living in a community where there were no other visitors. While there, I also stopped taking care of myself by not eating enough. My parents requested my contact information, unaware that I had no physical address. My host did have a cell phone, and I never shared the number with my parents, afraid they would travel to Africa to bring me home.

I returned from Africa with severe reverse culture shock, feeling guilty about having a refrigerator, a nice dorm room, and a closet full of clothing. I felt undeserving.

After traveling to Africa, I could not rest. Instead, I immediately began planning a winter trip to visit American missionaries I knew in Thailand.

Looking back, my psychiatric physician believes that this time after Africa, and before Thailand, marked the onset of my first psychotic break. I was so obsessed with travel that I could no longer study, and I went from being an honor student to being unable to pass my classes. I also was entirely unaware anything was wrong with me, firmly believing my travel experience would actually be more valuable than having a college degree.

My parents tried to pull me back, stating they would withhold a significant amount of their financial support if I went to Thailand. Believing I was commanded by God to travel around the world, I saw my parents as adversaries. I halted communication with them for the next four years, even after I became homeless.

My host family in Thailand tried to counsel me about my failing grades and drive to travel (as I was planning to visit Saudi Arabia after Thailand). After they voiced their concern, I refused all communication with them as well, for many years. Following my full recovery, I contacted them and apologized.

Despite my determination to visit Saudi Arabia, I had maxed out my credit cards in Thailand, making another international trip impossible.

On March 3, 2003, I believed that if I flew to Boston, there would be a billionaire there who knew through a dream that I was coming and would help me travel the world. Instead, I spent 15 hours at the airport alone. After returning to Los Angeles from Boston, I would soon begin spending my nights in a library, and later outside.

I could not stop my urge to travel. Over the next year, I convinced friends from the library to pay for two trips to England and two weeks in Taiwan.

Believing my travel was ordained by God and absolutely necessary in my life, I still never shared that I thought I was hearing the voice of God. During this time, I continued neglecting my personal needs and lived in a library because I had dropped out of college and lost my dorm room.

In 2004, following my last international trip to date, I became homeless and no longer had resources for air travel. However, my dromomania manifested as an uncontrollable urge to walk.

I remember walking the perimeter of my former college campus again and again. As time went by, I started walking into downtown Los Angeles, through bad areas, and beside busy, wide roads where I rarely saw any other pedestrians.

My psychosis progressed and I began to hear voices (hallucinations) commanding me to walk. One day, I walked 14 miles. I wandered into wealthy neighborhoods on the sides of rolling hills. Looking back, it amazes me that I was never reported for erratic behavior.

Today, in recovery from schizophrenia, I often walk 15 minutes to a recreation center at the University of Cincinnati where I swim. I once again enjoy travel, frequently invited to fly to various cities around the country where I share my journey of full recovery from schizophrenia. I live a vibrant professional life as the president of a charitable foundation and motivational speaker. My frequent travels now are different from the pathological dromomania in my past, prior to successful treatment and full recovery from schizophrenia.

During my psychotic period, dromomania felt enjoyable, but I would never want it back. It scares me that this symptom compelled me to put myself in such great danger both in Los Angeles and overseas.

I wish I had known about dromomania many years ago. Perhaps I could have recognized it as a symptom of schizophrenia and sought professional help more quickly. Today, as I live in full recovery, I hope to educate others about the various symptoms of schizophrenia, including dromomania, of which most people are unaware, and may be mistaken as a bad habit or poor judgment.

1. APA Dictionary of Psychology , https://dictionary.apa.org/dromomania . Retrieved June 1, 2024.

Bethany Yeiser is the author of Mind Estranged: My Journey from Schizophrenia and Homelessness to Recovery.

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Astral projection?

hi there, i am not schitzophrenic but i am schitzoaffective and it began during childhood. it started when i saw jesus christ. some of these hallucinations i question because i cant tell how even my brain can create talking frequencies on analarm clock. though it started by being possesed by a so called hallucination. when i was four i saw jesus christ and at 8 my dad didnt explain a metaohor too well and i started head butting a brickwall everyday after recess. and honestly there has been various pshic moments. but during mania about 7 or 8 years ago. i started having like dimensional hallucinations of seeing the baphomet in hell. and even as adam at the beginning of time which was the most realistic hallucination ihave had in my whole life. but this journeyhas been quite the ghost story. and from childhood to teenage years i had various hallucinations i was telling my parents about and they never made any real big deal about it and i never really told anyone til i quite honestly remembered about the brickwall and all the hallucinations i have had and from what i am understanding they all have been real ghosts? but back tio telling about my parents, looking back. as jackedup as i am. i am realizing thateven when i left home in high school i lived with a friend. i didnt know i was schitzo but understanding my diseasenow realize any one could have gotten hurt to be quite honest. and i hate saying that. i twist my psycotic features to use for good intentions but after a couple years of living with him and his family, we moved and got our own place to reside. i hit mania after losing our jobs and i started seeing the devil and adam and eve. AND jesus again but i havent entirely been coherent about what the ■■■■ has gone on mylife. i am well aware how the environment shapes the schitzophrenic mind. but even on myright wrists, the leo minor constellation is writtn in freckles on my right wrist. and my zodiaz sign is a leo. the alarm clock is scary because that could have come from anywhere and these religious figures i have seen with my own eyes scare he ■■■■ out of me because i have had my grandfathers ghost walk around his own house.i cant comprehend what i am going throughbecause there has been strange things in reality as well

Welcome to the forum.

Are you seeing a doctor or taking any medications?

I read your story and it sounds terrifying.

That does sound terrifying. I hope you will seek out a med change if you are on meds and you are still having terrible problems? If you aren’t seeing a doctor, I hope you do find one to see soon.

I’ve also had a ton of religious type of hallucinations such as seeing Jesus Christ, demons, and angels. But I try not to react and ignore them.

Just curious ,what your Jesus looked like?

He looked like the typical Jesus that is depicted in most images, but his skin color was darker and he had this golden glow to him.

the visual hallucinations have been quite interesting and i was curious about what was going on a few times. and people could have gotten hurt because of my parents not making this a clear issue that thiswas not normal and i ventured out to get rid of this religous influenceon me but i make my psychosis worse. everything of this has been haunting me out of honor and relion all together. this music seen has influenced alot of issues with death metal and the constant search for clarity through the religious identity crisis. i am awarehow the environment has shaped the schitzo mind. but it was me the working tofind a solution to these problems i have had my grandfather’s ghost walk around his own house. i have had a ■■■■■■ upscience projection and it worked all to well. i need to know how dangerous this could have gotten cause i didn’t get help til after i robbed a house. and during the mania and religious hallucinations. when i was planning ( and btw i am on medication now. just to be clear.) but when stairing out the window of plotting to rob, there was no consciousness??? this silence has been going on mywhole life. i headbutted a brickwall constantly when i was 8, and ■■■■ my mind has only gotten worsesince my auditory hallucinations kicked in. but i also have visual snow and the way it perplexes on the walls in a shimmer. i can only discribe it as energy. i cannot tell if it is a normal shadow because everyone tells me its not. but it’s black and white, but there are colorsof blue,green, and purple and there are trillions of pixels everywhere and i think it is observant, becuase before i movedout of my mothers a few years ago. i was reading on psychology about schitzophrenia and i looked up at the walls and saw this electrical chain link fence being fried into my psyche for like 5 minutes.

when i saw jesus he was wearing awhite gown, a short 2 dimensional being standing in darkness at the entry way of my living room. i wasplaying caslevania on the original nintendo.

he was also somewhat Caucasian

I used to have visual snow but that faded away

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Stavropol Krai

• 2 Other destinations
• 3 Understand
• 6 Get around
• 11 Stay safe

<a href=\"https://tools.wmflabs.org/wikivoyage/w/poi2gpx.php?print=gpx&amp;lang=en&amp;name=Stavropol_Krai\" title=\"Download GPX file for this article\" data-parsoid=\"{}\"><img alt=\"Download GPX file for this article\" resource=\"./File:GPX_Document_rev3-20x20.png\" src=\"//upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/f/f7/GPX_Document_rev3-20x20.png\" decoding=\"async\" data-file-width=\"20\" data-file-height=\"20\" data-file-type=\"bitmap\" height=\"20\" width=\"20\" class=\"mw-file-element\" data-parsoid='{\"a\":{\"resource\":\"./File:GPX_Document_rev3-20x20.png\",\"height\":\"20\",\"width\":\"20\"},\"sa\":{\"resource\":\"File:GPX Document rev3-20x20.png\"}}'/></a></span>"}'/> Stavropol Krai is a region in Southern Russia , which borders Krasnodar Krai to the west, Rostov Oblast to the north, Kalmykia to the east, and all the republics of the North Caucasus to the south.

• 45.05 41.983333 1 Stavropol — this capital city is located in a particularly mountainous area of the region and was one of Russia's most important bases during the Russian conquest of the Caucasus ; former home to Mikhail Gorbachev and it has a particularly nice urban park
• 44.200833 43.1125 5 Mineralnye Vody — a health spa city named for its "Mineral Waters" at the edge of the; a common flight destination for visitors to the North Caucasus

Other destinations

Stavropol Krai contains a large number of Caucasian health spas/sanatoria, which Russians have visited for over 200 years to treat various ailments (and just to escape the northern climate of Moscow and Saint Petersburg . As such, the region has been home to many of Russia's most prominent figures, including writers such as A.S. Pushkin and Mikhail Lermontov, whose works have embedded the Pyatigorsk region into the national consciousness. A great read for anyone visiting the region is Lermontov's short novel, A Hero of Our Time , which is set in various areas in the south of the Krai.

Stavropol Krai is also notable for its exceptionally diverse climactic and topographic diversity. The environments range from sand deserts, to mud flats, to steppe, to forest, to mountains, to permafrost!

Russian is the soup of the day.

By rail, most visitors will arrive at the regional transit hub of Stavropol .

Domestic flights to Stavropol ( STW   IATA )and to Mineralnye Vody ( MRV   IATA ) (which is closer to Mount Elbrus, the North Caucasus , and the health spas) are common around Russia.

• Mountain Beshtau Uranium Mines (RU) . 238 kilometers of mines inside Mount Beshtau 7 km from Pyatigorsk city. Closed in ~ 1971, but explored by diggers today. The site guides offers adventure descend into the mines with ropes and equipment. ( updated Mar 2019 )
• Mountain climbing
• Quail hunting
• Sulphur baths

Because of its proximity to the conflict in Chechnya , the security situation is very poor in Stavropol Krai. While kidnappings are unlikely, there have been fairly regular bombings of public areas and official facilities in the southern cities and in Stavropol over the years. While a visitor is fairly unlikely to be victim to such terroristic attacks, the resulting crackdown has led to strict and unfortunately corrupt policing of the area — a visitor is quite likely to be harassed for bribes.

Stavropol Krai is the nearest “island of freedom” (in every sense) for residents of neighboring Chechnya and Ingushetia, who often visit this region for entertainment purposes (alcohol, nightclubs), therefore, it is not uncommon to run into them in entertainment establishments and at night on the streets. They are often armed with knives and pistols. To prevent conflicts, it is better to refrain from reacting to possible provocations on their part and simply walk away from them.

• Stavropol State University — located in Stavropol, owned in 1996
• North Caucasus Gumanitarium Technological University — main located in Stavropol, but have own filials in Pyatigorsk, Kislovodsk and Ingushetia
• North Caucasus Gumanitarium Technological Institute;
• Stavropol State Medical Academy
• Stavropol State Agrarium University — one of the best agrarium university in Russia;
• Pyatigorsk State Linguistic University — one of the best linguistic university in Russia.Located in Pyatigorsk;
• Pyatigorsk State Technological University — located in Pyatigorsk
• Kislovodsk State Technological University — located in Kislovodsk

In Stavropol krai there are three GSM operators (MTS, Beeline, Megafon), one 3G-UMTS operator (Beeline) and one CDMA operator on 800 MHz frequency (RusSDO) and they often have offers that give you a SIM card for free or at least very cheap. If you are planning to stay a while and to keep in touch with Stavropolean and other North-Caucasus, South-Russians people, then you should consider buying a local SIM card instead of going on roaming. If you buy a SIM card from a shop you'll need your passport for identification. It only takes five minutes to do the paperwork and it will cost less than $10.

Stavropol Krai is a common jumping off point for tourists venturing into the North Caucasus . Basically any city in the region can be reached via minibus or taxi from Mineralnye Vody.

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Stavropol Krai, Russia

The capital city of Stavropol krai: Stavropol .

Stavropol Krai - Overview

Stavropol Krai is a federal subject of Russia located in the central part of Ciscaucasia and on the northern slope of the Greater Caucasus in the North-Caucasian Federal District. Stavropol is the capital city of the region.

The population of Stavropol Krai is about 2,780,200 (2022), the area - 66,160 sq. km.

Stavropol krai flag

Stavropol krai coat of arms.

Stavropol krai map, Russia

Stavropol krai latest news and posts from our blog:.

12 January, 2020 / Wooden Church of the Nativity of Mary in Rozhdestvenskaya .

2 December, 2019 / Tsvetnik - the Oldest Park in Pyatigorsk .

16 June, 2019 / Abandoned Uranium Mine in the Stavropol Region .

6 May, 2019 / Cathedral of the Kazan Icon of the Mother of God in Stavropol .

30 September, 2011 / Beautiful nature of Stavropol krai .

More posts..

News, notes and thoughts:

11 January, 2021   / The Kochubeevskaya wind farm with an installed capacity of 210 MW, the largest in Russia, has been commissioned in Stavropol Krai. With a total area of about 200 hectares, it includes 84 wind turbines, each 150 meters high, the length of the blades - 50 meters.

History of Stavropol Krai

The most ancient archaeological finds date back to the 4th millennium BC. The territory of the present Stavropol region was successively part of the state of the Scythians (the 7th - 5th centuries BC), Sarmatians (the 3rd century BC - the 3rd century AD), Huns (the 4th - 5th centuries AD).

Later, from 620 to 969, this territory was part of the ancient state called the Khazar Khaganate. Approximately in the 8th century, with the weakening of the Khazar Kaganate, the medieval state of the Alans appeared here. In 1238-1239, a significant part of the plain Alania was captured by the Mongols, and this state as a political entity ceased to exist.

In 1556, the Russian troops took Astrakhan and opened the way to the North Caucasus and the Caspian Sea. In Ciscaucasia, the interests of Russia, the Ottoman Empire, the Crimean Khanate, and Iran collided.

In 1777, according to the decree of Catherine II, the Azov-Mozdok defensive line was founded, which gave rise to colonization of the Ciscaucasia and the North Caucasus. The territory of the Stavropol region became part of Astrakhan oblast. In November 1777, the fortress called Stavropolskaya was founded. In 1782, about 500 retired soldiers lived there.

More historical facts…

In 1785, in connection with the development of Ciscaucasia, the Caucasian guberniya (province) was created that included the Caucasian and Astrakhan regions. Since that time, Stavropol officially became one of the six county-level towns of the Caucasus region.

With the development of the Ciscaucasia, Stavropol was gaining an increasing importance as an important trade and transit center. It became a kind of the main gate of the Caucasus. In 1822, the Caucasian province was transformed into an oblast and Stavropol became its center. After the defeat of the Decembrist uprising, a lot of its participants were sent here. In 1837 - 1841, Mikhail Lermontov, exiled to the Caucasus, visited Stavropol several times.

In 1847, the Caucasian oblast was reformed into Stavropol gubernia. With the formation of the Kuban and Terek Cossack regions and the end of the Caucasian War, the military-political and economic importance of Stavropol significantly reduced.

In 1919, the Stavropol province was occupied by the Bolsheviks and included in the territory of the North Caucasian Soviet Republic. As a result of the Second Kuban campaign the region went under the control of the Volunteer Army.

In October 1924, the North Caucasian region was formed and Stavropol gubernia was reformed into a district within the region. On January 10, 1934, the North Caucasian Krai was divided into the Azovo-Chernomorsky and North Caucasian. The town of Pyatigorsk became the center of North Caucasian Krai. In March 1936, North Caucasian Krai was reformed and, on its territory, Ordzhonikidze Krai with the center in Ordzhonikidze (Stavropol) was formed.

During the Second World War, from August 1942 to January 1943, the region was occupied by the German troops. In 1943, Ordzhonikidze Krai was renamed Stavropol Krai. In December 1956, the first part of the Stavropol-Moscow gas pipeline with a length of 1,300 km was commissioned (at that time, it was the longest gas pipeline in Europe).

During the 1970s-1980s, 56 new enterprises were opened in the region, among them the Prikumsky Plastics Plant - the largest chemical plant in the region, four power units at the Stavropol power station, and new capacities at the Nevinnomyssk enterprise “Azot”.

On July 3, 1991, Karachay-Cherkess Autonomous Region withdrew from Stavropol Krai and became the Karachay-Cherkess Soviet Socialist Republic. On April 21, 1992, it became the Republic of Karachay-Cherkessia of the Russian Federation.

Steppe landscapes of Stavropol Krai

Stavropol Krai landscape

Author: Valeriy Kharchenko

In the fields of the Stavropol region

Author: Dvornikov Mikhail

Stavropol Krai nature

Author: Zhukova Elena

Stavropol Krai - Features

Stavropol Krai stretches for 285 km from north to south and 370 km from west to east. The climate is temperate continental. The average temperature in January is minus 5 degrees Celsius (in mountains - down to -10), in July - plus 22-25 degrees Celsius (in mountains - +14).

The main natural resources are natural gas, oil, polymetals containing uranium, building materials. Mineral medicinal waters are a special riches of the region.

The Caucasian Mineral Waters is Russia’s largest resort region, which has no analogues in the whole of Eurasia for the richness and diversity of mineral waters and therapeutic mud. The healing properties of “narzan”, one of the popular local mineral waters, are known throughout Russia. The name can be translated into Russian as “Hercules’ beverage”, “Water of Hercules”.

The largest cities and towns are Stavropol (458,200), Pyatigorsk (145,500), Kislovodsk (127,300), Nevinnomyssk (114,400), Yessentuki (117,200), Mikhailovsk (94,500), Mineralnye Vody (72,400), Georgievsk (64,400), Budennovsk (59,600).

Stavropol Krai - Economy

The main industries of Stavropol Krai are engineering, production and processing of oil and natural gas, electric power industry, food (winemaking, butter, sugar), chemical (mineral fertilizers in Nevinnomyssk), building materials (glass in Mineralnye Vody), light (wool in Nevinnomyssk, leather in Budennovsk).

Agriculture specializes in growing grain and sunflower, the leading role in livestock breeding belongs to cattle breeding, fine-wool sheep breeding. Horticulture, viticulture, poultry farming, pig breeding, beekeeping are widespread. Agriculture is one of the most important sectors of the local economy, which employs more than 156 thousand people.

The main highway M29 “Caucasus” passes through Nevinnomyssk, Mineralnye Vody and Pyatigorsk. There are international airports in Stavropol (Shpakovskoye) and Mineralnye Vody. This region has a very dense and extensive network of pipelines.

Attractions of Stavropol Krai

A large number of various interesting places are concentrated on the territory of the Stavropol region. Here are just a few of the most famous sights:

• Proval - a lake and a natural cave on the southern slope of Mount Mashuk in Pyatigorsk. The cave is a cone-shaped funnel with a height of 41 m, at the bottom of which there is a karst lake of mineral water of pure blue color;
• Monument to Lermontov in Pyatigorsk at the place where the poet was fatally wounded during the duel;
• Lake Tambukan (Black Lake), located near Pyatigorsk, is known for its unique healing mud;
• Therapeutic park, mineral springs, Balneary mud baths named after Semashko in the resort city of Yessentuki;
• Resort park in Kislovodsk is very popular with tourists. The territory of the park is huge. Here you can find a drinking gallery, ponds, grottoes, and the famous valley of roses. Plants growing in the park make the air unusually clean and healthy;
• Koltso (Ring) Mount near Kislovodsk. Under the influence of natural factors, a ring with a diameter of 8 meters was formed in the center of the rock;
• Pushkin Gallery (1901), the Emir of Bukhara Palace, the Cave of Permafrost, Zheleznaya Mount in the resort town of Zheleznovodsk.

Stavropol krai of Russia photos

Stavropol Krai scenery

Paved road in Stavropol Krai

Author: A.Kostin

Winter in Stavropol Krai

Author: Kabatov V.

Small river in the Stavropol region

Author: Alex Stanin

Pictures of Stavropol Krai

Beautiful nature of Stavropol Krai

Author: Sergey Shevchenko

Author: V.Buturlia

Cathedral in Stavropol Krai

Author: Bulgakov Pyotr

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• Stavropol Krai

Circassians in Stavropol Krai

The modern-day Russian region of Stavropol Krai covers parts of the historical Circassian lands in its southern regions bordering Kabardino-Balkaria, Karachay-Cherkessia and parts of Krasnodar Krai, which was formerly populated by Circassians before the 1860s. Of the historical settlements in the region, today there remain only two Circassian settlements that are home to the small Orthodox Christian Circassian community. The same community is also found in the city of Mozdok in North Ossetia-Alania which was founded in 1763 in Eastern Circassia, Kabarda.

Due to its close proximity and the presence of such cultural, commercial and educational centers as Kislovodsk and Pyatigorsk, which lie only a few miles beyond the borders of the neighbouring Circassian republics, Stavropol does attract Circassian migrants that brings the number of Circassians in the Krai to around 10.000.

© 2021 Center for Circassian Studies. All Rights Reserved.

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Stavropol Krai Travel Guide: All You Need To Know

Stavropol Krai, often simply referred to as Stavropol, is a federal subject (krai) of Russia located in the North Caucasus region. It is known for its diverse landscapes, agriculture, and cultural heritage. Here is some information about Stavropol Krai:

Places to Visit in Stavropol Krai: Pyatigorsk: This famous spa town in the region is known for its natural mineral springs and lush parks. The Proval Lake and Flower Garden Park are popular attractions.

Kislovodsk: Another renowned spa town, Kislovodsk boasts beautiful architecture, promenades, and the Kurortny Park.

Stavropol: The capital city of the krai offers historical sites, such as the Ascension Church and Stavropol Drama Theater.

Mineralnye Vody: This city is a gateway to the region’s spas and the nearby Caucasus Mountains.

Essentuki: Known for its therapeutic mineral water, the city features picturesque parks, including the Essentuki Park.

Budyonnovsk: A town with a rich Cossack history and cultural heritage. Explore Cossack traditions and history in the Cossack Museum.

Best Time to Visit Stavropol Krai: Summer (June to August): Summer is an excellent time to visit Stavropol Krai. The weather is warm, and outdoor activities are in full swing.

Spring and Autumn: Spring (April to May) and early autumn (September to October) offer milder temperatures and are suitable for sightseeing and exploring the natural beauty of the region.

Things to Do in Stavropol Krai: Visit Mineral Springs: Enjoy the healing properties of the mineral springs in the spa towns of Pyatigorsk, Kislovodsk, and Essentuki.

Hiking and Nature Exploration: Explore the region’s natural beauty by hiking in the Caucasus Mountains, visiting parks, and taking in scenic landscapes.

Cultural Experiences: Learn about the diverse cultures of the region, which include Cossack traditions and historical sites.

Try Local Cuisine: Savor traditional dishes like shashlik (kebabs), pelmeni (dumplings), and local dairy products.

How to Get Around Stavropol Krai: Public Transportation: Public buses and minibuses (marshrutkas) serve many cities and towns in the krai.

Trains: The region has a railway network that connects cities like Stavropol, Kislovodsk, and Mineralnye Vody.

Taxis: Taxis are available in urban areas and are a convenient way to get around. Ensure you agree on the fare before starting your journey.

Car Rental: Renting a car can be a good option for exploring the region independently, especially if you plan to visit more remote areas.

Where to Eat in Stavropol Krai: Local Restaurants: Explore local eateries and restaurants to enjoy traditional Russian and Caucasian cuisine.

Cafes and Tea Houses: Visit cafes that offer Russian tea, pastries, and local dishes.

Street Food: Look for food vendors selling local snacks and quick bites in markets and town centers.

Where to Stay in Stavropol Krai: Accommodation options in Stavropol Krai include hotels, guesthouses, and hostels, with choices for various budgets. Popular places to stay include the spa towns and larger cities like Pyatigorsk and Kislovodsk.

Travel Tips for Stavropol Krai: Language: Russian is the primary language spoken in Stavropol Krai. While English may not be widely spoken, knowing some basic Russian phrases can be helpful.

Currency: The currency used is the Russian Ruble (RUB). Credit cards may not be accepted everywhere, so it’s advisable to carry cash, especially in more rural areas.

Safety: Stavropol Krai is generally safe for tourists, but be mindful of your belongings and practice common-sense safety precautions.

Climate: The region has a continental climate with cold winters and warm summers. Be prepared for seasonal weather conditions.

Respect Local Traditions: Be respectful of local customs and traditions, especially in regions with Cossack heritage and culture.

Transportation: Familiarize yourself with the local transportation options and consider using taxis or ridesharing apps for convenience.

Stavropol Krai offers a mix of natural beauty, cultural experiences, and historical heritage. By following these travel tips, you can have an enriching and memorable visit to this diverse region in the North Caucasus.

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