modi visit china

What’s behind Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s US visit?

The US is seeking stronger ties with India, which it sees as a vital ally in efforts to contain China’s rise.

The administration of United States President Joe Biden is scheduled to host Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi during an official visit later this week, as the two countries strengthen their ties amid shared antipathy towards China’s growing influence.

The White House will hold a state dinner in Modi’s honour on June 22, a sign of the burgeoning relationship between the two powers who have stepped up cooperation in areas such as trade and arms sales.

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In a press release, the Biden administration said that a recent trip to New Delhi by National Security Advisor Jake Sullivan “underscored the dynamism of the US-India partnership in advance of Prime Minister Modi’s historic official state visit next week to the United States”.

But human rights groups say the celebratory dinner is a de facto endorsement of India’s far-right turn under Modi’s leadership — and undermines the Biden administration’s stated goal of emphasising human rights and democracy in its foreign policy.

During Modi’s tenure, India’s Muslims and other minorities have experienced an uptick in violence and repression as the government leans into a form of Hindu nationalism known as Hindutva . Modi has also been criticised for seeking to consolidate power and crack down on dissent.

“A state dinner is a special occasion; it’s not something that just any foreign leader receives,” Edward Mitchell, the deputy executive director of the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR), told Al Jazeera over a phone call.

“How can the White House honour a leader who is an open anti-Muslim bigot, a right-wing ideologue who censors journalists and turns a blind eye to lynchings? You can work with India and Modi without taking this extra step to celebrate him.”

Confronting China

While advocacy groups have called for greater scrutiny of India’s human rights record , foreign policy experts say the Biden administration is primarily interested in the country as a potential counterweight to China, which the US sees as its most formidable global competitor.

Sarang Shidore, Director of Studies and Senior Research Fellow at the Quincy Institute, a US-based think tank, told Al Jazeera that he believes the US-India relationship will continue to grow as long as their shared concern over China remains in place.

“The United States does not conduct its foreign policy based on democracy and human rights. It conducts its foreign policy based on its interests, as all states do,” Shidore said.

China’s growing military power and assertive territorial claims have become a source of concern for nearby Asian countries such as the Philippines, Vietnam, Japan and India. The US has worked to fashion alliances with many of those countries in an attempt to contain China’s expanding influence.

“No question, there is increased Chinese nationalism,” said Shidore. “And China sees India as an increasing challenge due to its relationship with the US.”

Expanding ties

That was not always the case. During the Cold War, India’s relations with the US were often frosty. The country had cultivated close ties with the USSR and helped spearhead the Non-Aligned Movement, an organisation of countries that rejected pressures to join either pro-US or pro-Soviet blocs.

For its part, the US was a key ally of Pakistan. And by the early 1970s, the administration of US President Richard Nixon started to build a cooperative relationship with China, as an attempt, in part, to place pressure on the USSR.

But as the Cold War ended and China’s economic rise became a preoccupation of US foreign policy, India — with its size and economic heft — started to be seen as a key regional ally.

Despite its improved ties with the US, however, India has continued to resist what it sees as a false choice between the US and countries like President Vladimir Putin’s Russia.

But as Russia wages war in Ukraine and Washington seeks to isolate Moscow economically and diplomatically, that balancing act has become more difficult for India to maintain.

While India has increased its purchase of weapons from countries such as France and the US and recently agreed on a roadmap to increase cooperation with the US defence industry, it remains the world’s largest importer of Russian arms.

India has also joined China in buying up Russian oil at discounted prices, while the US and the European Union angle to limit Russia’s power in the global energy market.

But Shidore said that India’s status as a central player in Washington’s Asia strategy gives it significant leverage . Its ties to Russia are not likely to get in the way of its relationship with the US, he explained.

“India has played this quite well, playing Russia and the US off each other, and has benefitted in the process,” he said. “A country like India, which has such a strong convergence with the US on China, can create major spaces where it will differ very strongly from the US and can ride that out.”

Consolidating control

While US relations with allies such as Saudi Arabia and Israel have come under political scrutiny in recent years, Modi’s trip to the US has been welcomed with bipartisan support. An a joint letter inviting Modi to address Congress during his visit, members of the US House of Representatives and Senate have hailed the visit as a sign of the “enduring friendship” between the two countries.

“During your address, you will have the opportunity to share your vision for India’s future and speak to the global challenges our countries both face,” the letter reads.

However, Modi’s human rights record has not gone entirely unremarked. On Tuesday, a group of more than 70 lawmakers from the US House and Senate penned a letter to the Biden urging him to discuss concerns about religious freedom and journalistic expression in his talks with Modi.

The Muslim rights group CAIR, meanwhile, has issued a statement calling on the White House to drop its plans for a state dinner.

Modi’s high-profile reception in the US is a far cry from what he experienced before he was first elected prime minister in 2014. Prior to becoming India’s leader, Modi had been banned from entering the US due to allegations that he turned a blind eye to anti-Muslim violence in the western Indian state of Gujarat in 2002, when he was the province’s chief minister.

The deadly 2002 riots were the subject of a BBC documentary that Modi tried to ban in January, invoking his emergency powers as prime minister. The rights groups Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch screened the documentary in Washington on Tuesday.

Human rights groups say the move to ban the film was representative of a larger effort under Modi to stifle dissent and exercise control over independent institutions. They also accuse his government of pursuing an agenda influenced by far-right Hindu nationalism.

In an annual report on religious freedom in May, the US State Department expressed concern about the situation in India, noting that there were “open calls for genocide against Muslims”, lynchings and “attacks on places of worship”.

In May, for the fourth year in a row, the US Commission on International Religious Freedom called on the State Department to designate India as a “country of particular concern”.

In some states controlled by Modi’s Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), politicians who lean into violent anti-Muslim rhetoric face little reprimand. Some Hindu nationalist paramilitaries have also waged a campaign against interfaith marriages , which they portray as an effort to dilute the Hindu population and win converts to Islam through “love jihad”.

Shidore, however, said that Modi’s human rights record has been quickly “papered over” and is unlikely to prevent cooperation with the US, so long as China remains a serious global competitor.

“The United States”, he said, “has set human rights issues aside in order to strengthen ties”.

As Modi visits, Biden praises India’s democracy despite critics

Indian leader is honored by a rare state visit as biden seeks to bolster ties with new delhi, partly as a bulwark against china.

President Biden used a state visit by Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Thursday to publicly defend India’s democratic values while doubling down on his criticism of China, praising an Indian leader who has been widely accused of overseeing a series of repressive moves in his country.

Asked about allegations by human rights groups that Modi’s government has cracked down on dissent and targeted religious minorities, Biden drew a sharp contrast between India and China, whose leader he recently characterized as a dictator.

“One of the fundamental reasons that I believe the U.S.-China relationship is not in a space as it is with the U.S.-India relationship is that there’s an overwhelming respect for each other because we’re both democracies,” Biden said. “And it’s a common democratic character of both our countries and our people — our diversity; our culture; our open, tolerant, robust debate.”

Modi, addressing reporters alongside Biden, seized on the president’s comment that democracy is in the “DNA” of both America and India, saying that in his country’s values, “there’s absolutely no discrimination, neither on basis of caste, creed, or age, or any kind of geographic location.”

Biden declined to soften his description earlier this week of Chinese leader Xi Jinping as a dictator, saying he would not be “avoiding what I think is the facts” about the U.S.-China relationship. Dismissing what he called “hysteria” about tensions between Washington and Beijing, Biden said he plans to meet with Xi soon and that he did not think his comment “had any real consequence.”

Podcast episode

Biden's democracy pitch tested by Modi visit

Most human rights groups view China as a repressive authoritarian state, while India is seen as a flawed democracy whose leaders are making increasingly troubling moves. The United States urgently wants India as an ally against China, and Biden’s decision to lavish praise on Modi reflects the complexities behind his frequent depiction of a worldwide struggle between democracy and autocracy.

White House aides said Biden’s high-level engagement with Modi during the state visit — a mixture of intricate pageantry and substantive agreements on technology, diplomacy and defense — reflected India’s increasingly prominent role in global affairs and Washington’s desire to boost ties with the world’s most populous nation.

Modi is seeking to bolster his country’s global standing, which White House officials say could in turn benefit U.S. interests. Modi joined Biden for a meeting in the Oval Office, addressed a joint meeting of Congress and attended a state dinner. He is scheduled to have lunch with Vice President Harris and Secretary of State Antony Blinken on Friday.

In his address to Congress, Modi appeared to bolster Biden’s view of China without mentioning the country by name, saying that “the dark shadows of coercion and confrontation are casting their shadow in the Indo-Pacific.”

In contrast, he did not condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine as U.S. officials want him to, saying only, “I now say directly and publicly: This is not an era of war, but it is one of dialogue and democracy. And we all must do what we can to stop the bloodshed and human suffering.”

Modi’s trip to Washington was just the third official state visit of Biden’s presidency, following similar honors for French President Emmanuel Macron and South Korean President Yoon Suk Yeol . Modi, who also addressed U.S. lawmakers in 2016, is one of only a handful of world leaders who have been invited twice to address a joint meeting of Congress.

Modi repeatedly referred to India as a robust democracy during his speech, seemingly an implicit response to the criticism.

“Being a citizen of a vibrant democracy myself, I can admit one thing: Mr. Speaker, you have a tough job,” Modi said, turning to House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.). “I can relate to the battles of passion, persuasion and policy. I can understand the debate of ideas and ideology. But I’m delighted to see you come together today to celebrate the bond between the world’s two great democracies — India and the United States.”

Lawmakers from both sides of the aisle rose repeatedly to applaud, while visitors in the House gallery chanted, “Modi! Modi!” Earlier, during a raucous arrival ceremony with thousands of chanting supporters, Biden hailed Modi and touted the “limitless possibilities” of the U.S.-India relationship.

“Two great nations, two great friends, two great powers that can define the course of the 21st century,” Biden said.

Biden and Modi announced several agreements, including a deal to jointly produce a GE fighter jet engine in India and efforts to shore up supply chains for microchips and other key technologies. They also announced that the United States will open new consulates in Bangalore and Ahmedabad, while India will open a new consulate in Seattle.

The comparison between India and China arose in part because of an informal comment Biden made earlier this week about Xi.

Speaking at a fundraiser in California, Biden made what appeared to be an off-the-cuff comment about America’s downing in February of a suspected Chinese surveillance balloon , suggesting that Xi had been kept in the dark about it by his own government. “That’s what’s a great embarrassment for dictators — when they didn’t know what happened,” Biden said.

China reacted angrily to that characterization of its leader, calling it “extremely absurd and irresponsible,” but the White House has not backed away from it.

On Thursday, Modi spoke to a Congress that now includes five Indian Americans , while a vice president of Indian descent sat behind him, creating a striking tableau that Modi did not fail to note. “There are millions here who have roots in India, some of them sitting probably in this chamber — and there is one behind me, too,” Modi said. “I’m told the samosa caucus is now the flavor of the House. I hope it grows and brings the full diversity of Indian cuisine here.”

While Biden told reporters that he had discussed human rights and democracy in his private meeting with Modi — saying the United States and India both face “challenges” on those fronts — he did not publicly address the concerns of human rights groups, lawmakers and others who called on the president to take a more aggressive stance.

The organization Human Rights Watch, for example, says that Indian authorities “prosecute activists, journalists, peaceful protesters, and other critics on fabricated counterterrorism and hate speech laws.” Modi’s government, it adds, “has adopted laws and policies that discriminate against religious minorities, especially Muslims.”

In hard-fought midterm, Indian American voters are prized

Activists also cite a proliferation of bigoted rhetoric and attacks on freedom of speech since Modi’s rise to power in 2014, which they say has emboldened Hindu-nationalist groups to act with impunity. The U.S. State Department has also highlighted these developments in reports and statements, saying the situation has grown worse in recent years.

Modi denied that anti-democratic trends are widespread in India and said he was surprised that critics were even raising these issues, given his country’s democratic character. India, he said, has proved that “democracy can deliver,” adding, “when I say deliver, this is regardless of caste, creed, religion, gender.”

Before Modi’s arrival, more than 70 members of Congress urged Biden to use the meeting with the prime minister to address political violence, internet shutdowns, restrictions on press freedom and other “troubling signs” in the world’s largest democracy.

“As longtime supporters of a strong U.S.-India relationship, we also believe that friends can and should discuss their differences in an honest and forthright way,” the lawmakers wrote. “That is why we respectfully request that — in addition to the many areas of shared interests between India and the U.S. — you also raise directly with Prime Minister Modi areas of concern.”

Some lawmakers, including Reps. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) and Rashida Tlaib (D-Mich.), both Muslims, boycotted Modi’s speech to Congress.

Modi visit sends a signal to China

A small crowd of demonstrators protested Modi’s visit near the Capitol on Thursday, some holding signs that read, “Religious freedom: All lives in India matter” and “U.S. supporting killer Modi.”

“He’s trying to transform India into a Hindu nation,” said Sheena Sood, 38, who traveled from Philadelphia. “I’m here because we have to resist whenever there is an authoritarian leader who has a fascist’s agenda but claims it’s a secular democracy.”

Daniel Markey, a senior adviser at the U.S. Institute of Peace and a former State Department official, said it’s important for Washington to cultivate closer ties to India, but he criticized former president Donald Trump — and now Biden — for lavishing praise on Modi personally.

“It was bad enough with a Trump administration that didn’t seem to care at all about democratic values, but there’s now an even deeper dissonance with a Biden administration that has said democracy should be at the core of how it makes foreign policy,” Markey said.

Jake Sullivan, Biden’s national security adviser, said that Biden always brings up human rights and democracy in meetings with foreign leaders and that this visit would be no different. At the same time, he said, there is limited value in the United States trying to lecture Modi on the importance of democratic principles.

“As countries, as societies, as polities, my personal view is the best way to do that is to have candid, robust discussion not just between our governments, but between our civil societies, between our activists, between our journalists,” Sullivan said.

In the lead-up to the visit, U.S. officials had lobbied the Modi government to agree to participate in the joint news conference, something the Indian leader has not done in years, officials said. On Wednesday, the White House announced that Modi and Biden would indeed take questions from reporters.

But it was hardly a freewheeling give-and-take. Only two reporters, one from the U.S. press corps and one from the Indian press corps, were allowed to ask questions of the leaders.

Mariana Alfaro, Gerry Shih, Ellen Nakashima and Samantha Latson contributed to this report.

South Asia Brief: Modi’s State Visit Aims to Cement U.S.-India Partnership

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Modi’s State Visit Aims to Cement U.S.-India Partnership

Bilateral constraints haven’t gotten in the way of rapidly deepening ties..

• Foreign & Public Diplomacy
• Science and Technology
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• Michael Kugelman

Welcome to  Foreign Policy ’s South Asia Brief.

The highlights this week: Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi arrives in Washington for a state visit, Pakistan mourns the loss of dozens of its citizens in a tragic shipwreck off Greece , and authorities struggle to rein in ethnic violence in the Indian state of Manipur .

Sign up to receive South Asia Brief in your inbox every Wednesday.

Modi’s State Visit Begins

Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi has arrived in Washington for a three-day state visit, during which he will meet with U.S. President Joe Biden. Recent conversations with U.S. officials suggest the core focus of Modi’s trip will be security, technology, trade, and people-to-people cooperation. New deals are expected on defense, semiconductors, space, higher education, and visas, among others.

Modi’s trip marks just the third time that Washington has accorded an Indian leader the honor of a state visit. It underscores the strength of U.S.-India partnership, as well as how far it has come. The two countries still face challenges, from bureaucratic hurdles to trade tensions . But these obstacles haven’t prevented their ties from deepening in relatively little time—a reality Biden aims to acknowledge through the state visit.

Sixty years ago, then-Indian President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan traveled to Washington for the first state visit by an Indian leader, on the invitation of then-U.S. President John F. Kennedy. At the time, bilateral relations were warm: At the beginning of the Cold War, U.S. concerns about communist China prompted Washington to strengthen partnership with New Delhi. The United States backed India during its 1962 border war with China.

But in 1971, then-U.S. President Richard Nixon’s decision to pursue normalization with China brought the United States closer to Pakistan, India’s rival. That contributed to New Delhi’s decision that year to ink a friendship treaty with Moscow. As a result, the 1970s and 1980s were a grim period for U.S.-India relations. They experienced a boost when Indian liberalization reforms created opportunities for trade in the 1990s—until Washington sanctioned New Delhi when it became a nuclear weapons state in 1998.

Only in the 2000s did U.S.-India relations enjoy a true renaissance, amid converging interests: first over the threat of international terrorism, and then over China’s growing clout. The bilateral partnership has since rapidly intensified. Chinese provocations in the South China Sea , Taiwan Strait , and along the India-China border have crystallized the urgency of cooperating to counter a common threat. Deepening business partnerships and a growing Indian American community have increased trust and goodwill between Washington and New Delhi.

In recent years, the United States and India have ramped up arms sales, intelligence sharing , and military-to-military cooperation . Technology , clean energy , and higher education have also become fast-growing spaces for cooperation. The scope of this cooperation has also expanded, from the Pacific Ocean to the Indian Ocean and even to the Middle East—through their membership in the so-called I2U2 grouping, which also includes Israel and the United Arab Emirates.

To be sure, some of the mistrust between the two countries dating to the Cold War era still lingers. Many Indians decried the slow U.S. response to India’s catastrophic COVID-19 surge in 2021, with some wondering if Russia was still India’s most dependable partner. But such incidents are anomalies. (The delay was likely bureaucratic; Biden had recently taken office and many senior India posts in the administration remained empty.)

The growth in U.S.-India ties is all the more remarkable given the relationship’s considerable constraints. India’s democracy has faltered —a concern for the Biden administration, which emphasizes the importance of shared values. India declines to be a formal U.S. ally, opting to safeguard its strategic autonomy. Meanwhile, each country maintains partnerships with the other’s top rival: Washington with Islamabad, and New Delhi with Moscow.

The two countries have so far navigated these challenges with a combination of flexibility , creativity , and the U.S. willingness to let hard interests prevail over values-based considerations—to the frustration of human rights activists and other critics of India.

Modi’s state visit is poised to overcome another constraint: misplaced expectations. Heady talk is now part of the relationship, which U.S. officials call the most important of the 21st century, and it often raises expectations for deliverables that don’t materialize at high-level summits. The two sides finalized a nuclear cooperation deal in 2008, even though India has not signed the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. It was regarded as a milestone for the partnership, but they haven’t signed a comparable agreement since.

However, this week will bring many agreements, including some that have remained elusive, such as a long-rumored armed drones package and unprecedented defense technology transfers . There may even be forward movement on addressing U.S. liability concerns that have inhibited the implementation of the nuclear cooperation deal. Modi’s visit comes at a moment when both countries are experiencing some of their worst tensions with China in decades, underscoring the strategic imperatives of their partnership.

Much has changed for the U.S.-India relationship since Radhakrishnan came to Washington in June 1963. It suffered through many lean years before evolving into what it is today: a stable, strategic partnership with strong support in both capitals.

What We’re Following

Pakistani tragedy at sea. Horrible details have emerged about the fate of the migrants onboard an overloaded trawler that sank off the coast of Greece last week. The boat carried people from Egypt, Syria, and Palestine, as well as many Pakistanis; local media outlets report that as many as 300 Pakistani nationals died when the ship capsized.

All on board were suffering from severe hunger and thirst before the ship went down. But according to survivor accounts provided to Greek coast guard officials and leaked to the Guardian , the Pakistanis on board “were forced below deck,” where they were maltreated by crew members when they tried to leave the vulnerable area.

The tragedy underscores the desperate lengths that some Pakistanis will go to find better opportunities at a moment of severe economic stress . In the wake of the shipwreck, Islamabad has cracked down on human traffickers, leading to 10 arrests in Karachi and Pakistan-administered Kashmir, although few details have emerged about their connection to the trawler.

Violence in Manipur. Nearly two months after ethnic clashes broke out in the northeastern Indian state of Manipur, the unrest between the majority Meitei and minority Kuki communities continues. It has displaced around 50,000 people, and more than 100 people have died. Authorities have struggled to rein in violence in the state; last Thursday, a mob burned the home of a senior federal government official, Rajkumar Ranjan Singh.

The Manipur government, controlled by India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), has taken heat from locals for not doing enough to stop the unrest. Some Kukis have accused state officials of siding with the Meiteis. The federal government has deployed 40,000 troops to stabilize the situation and attempted to broker talks, with little success. The violence is a sobering reminder of India’s communal fault lines—and the state’s struggles to address them.

In Foreign Policy , Sushant Singh argues that the violence in Manipur will have ripple effects on India’s disputed border with China—and beyond.

Under the Radar

Bollywood is known to generate controversy, but rarely enough to prompt cities outside India to ban all of its films . Yet that’s what’s happened in two major cities in Nepal this week in response to Adipurush , a movie inspired by the Hindu epic Ramayana —and one of the most expensive films ever made in India. The film describes Sita, the wife of Lord Ram, as “India’s daughter.” But Hindus in Nepal believe she was born in the Nepali city of Janakpur.

The mayor of Kathmandu, Nepal’s capital, ordered theaters to stop playing Bollywood films until the line is changed. The mayor of Pokhara followed suit . Adipurush has been controversial in India as well, with critics lambasting it for being indecent and trivializing some characters from the Ramayana . Interestingly, several leaders of India’s BJP are thanked in the film’s closing credits.

Subjecting sacred ancient religious literature to contemporary artistic interpretations can be sensitive. In the case of Adipurush , it’s had cross-border consequences. On Sunday, one of the film’s co-writers conceded that the “India’s daughter” line will be amended.

More From FP on Modi’s State Visit

• Washington’s Perennial India Fantasy by Howard W. French
• For Biden and Modi, Interests Prevail Over Ideology by C. Raja Mohan
• Why India and the U.S. Are Closer Than Ever by Rishi Iyengar

Regional Voices

Former Pakistani diplomat Maleeha Lodhi , writing in Dawn , laments how the government in Islamabad hasn’t formally committed to holding parliamentary elections—currently scheduled for no later than mid-October—on time. “Any effort to play with the election date beyond what is constitutionally stipulated would be disastrous for the country,” she warns.

In the Daily Mirror , scholar Ahilan Kadirgamar argues that International Monetary Fund assistance is not the solution to Sri Lanka’s economic ills. “With more of the same policies of austerity, and without stimulus to the economy in the form of state support to critical sectors, the hemorrhage is likely to continue,” he writes.

An editorial in Kuensel details the policy challenges posed by street hawking in Bhutan. It calls for a response that emphasizes “the need for a comprehensive and practical solution that balances the socioeconomic realities of the hawkers with the concerns of public safety, urban planning, and formal businesses.”

Michael Kugelman is the writer of Foreign Policy ’s weekly South Asia Brief. He is the director of the South Asia Institute at the Wilson Center in Washington. Twitter:  @michaelkugelman

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China Had a ‘Special Place’ in Modi’s Heart. Now It’s a Thorn in His Side.

As Narendra Modi seeks a third term as prime minister, India’s rupture with China looms over a pillar of his campaign: making his country a major power.

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By Mujib Mashal and Sameer Yasir

Reporting from New Delhi

Narendra Modi once looked up to China. As a business-friendly Indian state leader, he traveled there repeatedly to attract investment and see how his country could learn from its neighbor’s economic transformation. China, he said , has a “special place in my heart.” Chinese officials cheered on his march to national power as that of “a political star.”

But not long after Mr. Modi became prime minister in 2014, China made clear that the relationship would not be so easy. Just as he was celebrating his 63rd birthday by hosting China’s leader, Xi Jinping — even sitting on a swing with him at a riverside park — hundreds of Chinese troops were intruding on India’s territory in the Himalayas, igniting a weekslong standoff.

A decade later, ties between the world’s two most populous nations are almost completely broken. Continued border incursions flared into a ferocious clash in 2020 that threatened to lead to all-out war. Mr. Modi, a strongman who controls every lever of power in India and has expanded its relations with many other countries, appears uncharacteristically powerless in the face of the rupture with China.

As Mr. Modi seeks a third term in an election that begins on Friday, the tensions weigh heavily on the overarching narrative of his campaign: that he is making India a major global power and, by extension, restoring national pride. Far from the 2,100-mile border, along every avenue where India seeks to expand, China looms as a fierce competitor.

In India’s own backyard in South Asia, China has used its vast resources — the fruits of economic reforms introduced decades before India’s — to challenge Indian pre-eminence, courting partners through infrastructure deals and gaining access to strategic ports.

More broadly, China and India are vying to lead the developing nations of the so-called global south. When India hosted the Group of 20 summit last year, using it to showcase its support of poorer countries, Mr. Xi skipped the event. China has also been a major roadblock in India’s campaign to gain a coveted permanent seat on the U.N. Security Council.

“Today, you encounter an India which perhaps you had never seen before, in many senses,” said Nirupama Menon Rao, a former Indian ambassador to China and the United States. “I think the Chinese are increasingly aware of it, and they would still like to pull us down, to create barriers.”

India’s estrangement with China has provided an opening for Western nations to expand defense and economic ties with New Delhi, a distressing development for Beijing.

India signed a series of deals with the United States last year to strengthen military cooperation . India has also drawn closer to the other two members of the so-called Quad, Australia and Japan, as the group works to counter China’s projection of power.

In addition, India sees an opportunity as the United States and Europe look for alternatives to China as a place to make their products. One early success has been sharply increased production of iPhones in India.

But even with these openings, China continues to expose Indian insecurities. The Chinese economy is about five times the size of India’s, and China remains India’s second-biggest trade partner (after the United States), exporting about six times as much to India as it imports. China spends more than three times what India does on its military, giving its forces a significant advantage across land, sea and air.

The Indian military, which has long struggled to modernize, is now forced to be conflict-ready on two fronts , with China to India’s east and archrival Pakistan to its west.

Tens of thousands of troops from both India and China remain on a war footing high in the Himalayas four years after the deadly skirmishes broke out in the disputed Eastern Ladakh region, where both countries have been building up their military presence. Nearly two dozen rounds of negotiations have failed to bring disengagement.

Although the political opposition has tried to paint Mr. Modi as weak in the face of Chinese encroachment, the border incursions are unlikely to hurt him much politically, given the lack of news coverage from a largely sympathetic Indian media .

Still, Mr. Modi has had to prioritize billions of dollars for border infrastructure and military upgrades as India still struggles to cover the basic needs of its 1.4 billion people. His government is drawing up plans to repopulate hundreds of border villages as a second line of defense against the constant threat of Chinese encroachment.

S. Jaishankar, Mr. Modi’s external affairs minister, admitted recently that there were “no easy answers” to the dilemma posed by India’s aggressive neighbor. “They are changing, we are changing,” Mr. Jaishankar said . “How do we find an equilibrium?”

In a book published in 2020, just as he had taken over as Mr. Modi’s trusted foreign policy architect, Mr. Jaishankar wrote that the tensions between the United States and China set “the global backdrop” for India’s choices in a “world of all against all.” India’s ambitions as a major power, he wrote, would require a juggling act: “engage America, manage China, cultivate Europe, reassure Russia.”

India’s rise as a large, growing economy has allowed it to hold its ground — working with any partner it can benefit from — in a polarized and uncertain world.

Even as India has expanded defense ties with the United States and doubled bilateral trade over the past decade, to about $130 billion in goods alone, it has resisted American pressure to reconsider its strong relations with Russia. India has deepened connections with Europe and the Middle East, too; trade with the United Arab Emirates alone has reached $85 billion.

While India remains wary of becoming a pawn in the West’s fight with Beijing, and has not forgotten its frosty history with the United States, China has become an unavoidable focus after being a secondary threat for much of modern Indian history.

India’s socialist founding prime minister was accommodating of Communist China, but the bonhomie was shattered by a monthlong war in 1962 that left thousands dead. The relationship began to normalize in the 1980s even as incursions continued, and open channels of communication kept tensions down and elevated trade.

“It was a different China,” said Ms. Rao, the former top diplomat.

The situation changed in the years before Mr. Modi took office, she said. As its economy soared, China began flexing its muscles — investing heavily in its Belt and Road infrastructure initiative, which India saw as threatening its security and spheres of influence, and moving more aggressively on its borders and in the Indian Ocean.

Still, Mr. Modi, blacklisted by the United States when he was a state leader over his role in bloody religious riots, continued to extend a hand to Beijing. As prime minister, he did not allow the embarrassment of the Chinese incursion in 2014 to dampen his red-carpet welcome to Mr. Xi. His subtle message — a warning that “a little toothache can paralyze the entire body” — carried the hope that Mr. Xi would come around.

That hope ended with the deadly 2020 clash in Eastern Ladakh. Now, it is clear that New Delhi is resigned to a long-term threat from China, a shift evident in Mr. Modi’s push for road and tunnel construction in border areas to support a large troop presence.

Over the past five years, more than 2,200 miles of roads have been built along the border. In the Kashmir region, over 2,000 workers have been busy for three years digging a high-altitude tunnel that will improve connectivity to Ladakh.

When the tunnel project, which will cost more than $850 million, is completed, it will ensure that traffic moves year round, and reduce travel time by hours.

“For four months, the supplies to the Indian Army were cut off because the road would get closed,” said Harpal Singh, the project head. “After this tunnel is complete, that will not happen again.”

Mr. Modi’s government is also trying to revive hundreds of villages along the border to fortify defenses.

Through a program called Vibrant Villages, the government is working to develop infrastructure, extend services and nurture tourism in the hope of reversing the economic migration that created “ghost villages.”

“What India could have done in the last 20 years, they have to do now in two,” said ​​Sonam Murup, a retired Indian Army officer from Ladakh, referring to infrastructure development in his area.

“Our situation is much better now,” he said. “But when you look toward the Chinese side, you can see villages full of lights.”

Joy Dong contributed reporting from Hong Kong.

Mujib Mashal is the South Asia bureau chief for The Times, helping to lead coverage of India and the diverse region around it, including Bangladesh, Sri Lanka, Nepal and Bhutan. More about Mujib Mashal

Sameer Yasir covers news from India and other countries in the region. He is based in New Delhi. More about Sameer Yasir

India Isn’t Signing Up for China’s New World Order

The United States isn’t the only competitor getting in the way of China’s global ambitions.

The Chinese leader Xi Jinping welcomed delegations from across the developing world to Beijing today to celebrate his pet project, the Belt and Road Initiative. The forum, the third of its kind, is meant to display China’s influence in the global South and show that Washington’s efforts to isolate and pressure Beijing can’t succeed: China simply has too many friends.

But one very important person was absent. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his government have steadfastly refused to join Xi’s infrastructure-building program and have promoted alternatives instead. Just last month, Modi and U.S. President Joe Biden announced a joint project to connect India to Europe through the Middle East by rail and ship.

Modi’s absence from the Belt and Road forum is a sign that the rivalry between the United States and China is not the only one shaping global affairs. Another, between India and China, may have geopolitical consequences that are equally important. At stake are the shape of the global South and its role in international governance. Whose vision prevails—Xi’s or Modi’s—will help determine the future of the world order and American global power.

Xi’s goal is to build a bloc of supporters in the global South that he can use to expand Chinese influence and challenge American primacy. But New Delhi is not much more eager than Washington to usher in a China-centric world system. Modi has therefore intensified his diplomacy in the global South, so that India can serve as a counterweight to China.

For Washington, Modi’s new assertiveness presents an opportunity. With India by its side, the U.S. can make the case that the South will benefit less from joining forces with Beijing to upend the American-led global order than from participating in partnerships with the United States and India.

Still, Biden and Modi are playing from behind. Xi has long recognized the aspirations and frustrations of the global South, and his foreign policy is designed to capitalize on those sentiments for China’s own geopolitical benefit. The Belt and Road Initiative is the premier pillar of that effort. The program, launched a decade ago, provided an alternative source of development financing to that offered by the institutions of the West, such as the World Bank. Xi has also fostered forums to promote the interests of developing countries, such as the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and the BRICS group of emerging economies, which includes Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa. Ideologically, Xi introduced a framework of principles, called the Global Development Initiative, aimed at refocusing international discourse on economic inequality and more evenly spreading the benefits of growth. Earlier this year, Qin Gang, then China’s foreign minister, framed global affairs as an international class struggle. “The principal contradiction in today’s world is not at all a so-called ‘democracy versus autocracy’ played up by a handful of countries,” he argued , “but a struggle between development and containment of development.”

Read: Xi Jinping is done with the established world order

The money and attention have paid off. At a BRICS summit in August, Xi overcame Modi’s opposition and won agreement to invite six new members—most, if not all, likely to support China’s interests.

Indian policy makers are worried. They see China usurping the role that India has historically sought to play, as the champion of the postcolonial developing world. China has even intruded into South Asia in ways that undercut Indian primacy in its own neighborhood—particularly through Beijing’s heavy support for Pakistan, India’s arch nemesis.

China’s actions have fostered “a feeling in Delhi that we are being replaced, that we are getting pushed out of our traditional spheres of influence,” Happymon Jacob, a specialist in Indian foreign policy at Jawaharlal Nehru University, in New Delhi, told me. “That feeling is palpable when you talk to the policy makers in Delhi, and they want to do something about it.”

New Delhi, much like Washington, has come to fear that Chinese influence will shape a new world order hostile to its interests. Indian policy makers feel that “rather than China’s integration into the globalized world benefiting the globalized world, that globalized world is being used by China to advance its own national interests,” Dhruva Jaishankar, the executive director of the Washington-based think tank Observer Research Foundation America, told me. “On almost every issue of the global governance agenda, China and India are at odds with each other.”

Xi has further inflamed tensions with an ever more assertive foreign policy. Aggressively pressing territorial claims along its disputed border with India, China helped spark a deadly Himalayan brawl between Chinese and Indian soldiers in 2020. Just last month, Xi snubbed Modi by opting not to show at the latest Group of 20 summit that the Indian prime minister hosted in New Delhi.

Modi took advantage of Xi’s absence. He burnished his credentials as an advocate for the global South by pushing for the inclusion of the African Union in the G20. (Previously, South Africa was the continent’s sole representative.) In the days before the summit, Modi darted off to Indonesia to attend a conference of Southeast Asian nations (which Xi also skipped, instead sending his No. 2, Premier Li Qiang). Indonesian President Joko Widodo altered the meeting’s schedule to accommodate him. And New Delhi has attempted to capitalize on Xi’s missteps in other ways—most notably by calling out the Chinese government for its resistance to offering significant debt relief to economically troubled low-income countries.

But however canny its appeal, New Delhi’s capacity to counterbalance Beijing is limited. With an economy one-fifth the size of China’s, Modi cannot match Xi in financial resources with which to woo wallets in the global South. He will need to work with partners that have deeper pockets, such as the United States.

By doing so, Modi is sending a message to the global South: Poor and marginalized countries can attain greater sway in world affairs through cooperation rather than confrontation with the West. He made this case by deftly managing the G20, where he worked closely with Biden and other Western leaders to offer the prospect of inclusive partnership to countries of the global South within expanded and reformed institutions of the current order. By contrast, this week’s Belt and Road forum showcases Xi’s intention to build a different, competing order. The Communist Party–run news outlet Global Times , citing the conflict between Israel and Hamas, claimed that the Belt and Road is evidence that as the United States “fans the flames of war, China exports peace and development.”

Some 140 countries are sending delegations to Xi’s forum, suggesting that the Chinese leader’s vision for a new world order does have global appeal. But that vision is also China-centric, and therefore divisive. By expecting governments to repeatedly send high-level representatives to Beijing for such events, Xi is treating members of the global South more like supplicants than partners. And Modi isn’t alone in steering clear. Past forums attracted prominent representatives from the West, including Italy’s prime minister in 2017. This year’s event will include Russian President Vladimir Putin, as welcome in China as ever, and a representative from Afghanistan’s Taliban. But Western leaders have generally stayed away, and overall, the delegates at this forum are of lower stature. By the Chinese government’s count, 37 national leaders attended 2019’s forum; this year, roughly half that number showed up.

Read: China doesn’t want to compete. It wants to win.

Xi may attract crowds, but many countries remain wary of choosing sides in a great-power standoff, and Modi’s approach will likely appeal to them. Rama Yade, the senior director of the Atlantic Council’s Africa Center and a former French secretary of state for foreign affairs and human rights, told me that “behind India, you have the Western allies, and that is something that is very important for Africans” because “they want to preserve or keep their partnerships with the West as well as the Chinese.” That, she continued, is why “the Indians seriously challenge the Chinese” in Africa.

With India in the mix, Xi can’t so easily claim that the future depends on conflict between the West and the rest. Not only are multiple centers of power emerging in the developing world, but they speak with diverse voices and promote different visions for a more balanced future. Xi, however, doesn’t seem interested in listening. He appears to believe that he can marshal the global South to isolate the West—but in pushing his partners to side against the United States, he might ultimately end up isolating China.

Indian PM Modi Says Peace on Border Essential for Normal Ties With China

FILE PHOTO: India's Prime Minister Narendra Modi speaks with the media inside the parliament premises upon his arrival on the first day of the budget session in New Delhi, India, January 31, 2023. REUTERS/Adnan Abidi

NEW DELHI (Reuters) -Peace on India's border with China is essential for normal relations, Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi said in comments published on Friday that mark a rare articulation of New Delhi's position since ties with Beijing deteriorated in 2020.

Modi also said that the relationship between the nuclear-armed neighbours can only be based on mutual respect, mutual sensitivity and mutual interest.

"India is fully prepared and committed to protect its sovereignty and dignity," Modi said in an interview to Nikkei Asia ahead of his visit to Japan to attend the G7 summit.

Modi arrived in Hiroshima on Friday as Japan's special guest for the summit that continues until Sunday.

"Peace and tranquility in the border areas are essential for normal bilateral ties with China," he said, adding normalising ties with China would benefit the wider region and the world.

Ties have been strained since the troops of the two countries clashed on their disputed Himalayan frontier, killing 24 soldiers, in 2020.

It was the deadliest clash between India and China in more than four decades.

Modi will join leaders from the United States, Japan and Australia on the sidelines of the G7 summit for a gathering of the Quad members, which aim to contain China's growing assertiveness in the Indo-Pacific.

Asked about ties with India's arch-rival Pakistan, Modi said India wants "normal and neighbourly relations," but it is incumbent upon Islamabad to create a conducive environment free from "terrorism and hostilities".

"The onus is on Pakistan to take necessary steps in this regard," he said.

India-Pakistan relations have been frozen since 2019 when New Delhi changed the status of Jammu and Kashmir state, ended its special privileges and converted it into a federal territory.

India and Pakistan both claim Kashmir in full but rule it in parts. They have gone to war over it three times since independence from Britain in 1947.

(Reporting by Krishn Kaushik; Editing by YP Rajesh and Barbara Lewis)

Copyright 2023 Thomson Reuters .

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Modi’s trip to China: 6 quick takeaways

Subscribe to this week in foreign policy, tanvi madan tanvi madan senior fellow - foreign policy , center for asia policy studies @tanvi_madan.

May 15, 2015

Content from the Brookings Institution India Center is now archived . After seven years of an impactful partnership, as of September 11, 2020, Brookings India is now the Centre for Social and Economic Progress , an independent public policy institution based in India.

Some quick thoughts on Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s trip to China thus far, following the release of the Joint Statement, and Modi’s remarks at the Great Hall of the People, at Tsinghua University, and at a bilateral forum of state and provincial leaders:  

1. Candid Modi . In his statement to the media, Modi noted that the bilateral discussions had been “candid, constructive and friendly.” He was definitely more candid in his remarks about Indian concerns than is normal for Indian leaders during China-India summits. While senior Indian policymakers often downplay the bilateral differences during visits (incoming and outgoing) and focus more on cooperative elements, in two speeches and in the joint statement released, Modi mentioned them repeatedly. He talked about the relationship being “complex,” as well as about issues that “trouble smooth development of our relations” and held back the relationship. He urged China to think strategically (and long-term) and “reconsider its approach” on various issues. First and foremost: its approach toward the border, but also visas and trans-border rivers, as well as the region (read China’s relations with Pakistan among others). China’s approach on economic questions was also put on the table, with Modi stating that, in the long-term, the partnership was not sustainable if Indian industry didn’t get better access to the Chinese market. The joint statement acknowledged that the level of the trade imbalance (in China’s favor) was not sustainable either. Modi also made clear that India wants China’s support for a greater role in international institutions. He specifically highlighted that China’s support for a permanent seat for India at the U.N. Security Council (UNSC) and Indian membership of export control regimes would be helpful to the relationship (interestingly, he explained India’s desire for UNSC permanent membership as stemming from the same logic as the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank—part of Asia “seeking a bigger voice in global affairs.” In the joint statement, however, China continued just to recognize India’s aspirations for a greater UNSC role. It did though include mention of India’s Nuclear Suppliers Group aspiration.

There was also an overall message from Modi that these issues couldn’t be set aside and that progress was necessary: “…if we have to realise the extraordinary potential of our partnership, we must also address the issues that lead to hesitation and doubts, even distrust, in our relationship.”

2. The Border. Modi put the border at the top of the list of such issues, stating “we must try to settle the boundary question quickly.” Seeming to add a parameter to any potential solution, he stated that the two countries should settle this question “in a manner that transforms our relationship and [will] not cause new disruptions.” In the meantime, he noted that the mechanisms managing the border were working fine, but asserted that it was important to clarify the Line of Actual Control since otherwise there was a persisting “shadow of uncertainty.” He noted that he’d proposed a resumption of “the process of clarifying it.” The joint statement stated a desire for enhanced exchanges between the militaries to better communication on the border and an exploration of whether/how to increase trade at the border.

As is wont for Indian leaders in China, Modi didn’t explicitly assert India’s claim to the state of Arunachal Pradesh, but for those of us who read between the lines, he mentioned the number of states India had, referring to “30 pillars comprising the Central Government and all our States”—those 29 states include Arunachal Pradesh.

3. Economics. Modi’s day in Shanghai on May 16 will feature the economic relationship more. He did note the “high level of ambition” the two sides had for the relationship and his hope to see increased Chinese investment in infrastructure and manufacturing in India. China and India agreed that bilateral trade was “skewed” and likely unsustainable if that didn’t change.

At his speech at Tsinghua he linked both Mumbai’s rise to trade with China and the evolution of silk tanchoi sarees to skills learnt by Indians from Chinese weavers—thus both pointing out that the trade relationship is an interrupted one and (to his domestic critics) that India stands to gain from this engagement.

4. Building Trust & (People-to-People) Ties. There was a major emphasis in Modi’s remarks on building trust, and improving communication and connectivity, with a special emphasis on enhancing people-to-people ties. On the latter, he stated frankly, “Indians and Chinese don’t know each other well, much less understand each other.” Various polls and surveys also show that, what they do know, they often don’t like.

This lack of trust, knowledge, and even interest could limit policymakers’ options (including in settling the border question) down the line. Thus, Modi asserted that China and India “must build more bridges of familiarity and comfort between our people.” To increase travel to India (and bring in tourism revenue), he announced that India’s e-visa facility will be made available to Chinese nationals. The two countries also agreed to establish consulates in Chennai and Chengdu. For greater learning about each other, there were decisions to set up an annual bilateral Think Tank Forum, to institutionalize the High-Level Medium Forum, and establish a Centre for Gandhian and Indian Studies at Fudan University.

Modi also noted that, at the end of the day, improving opportunities for interaction wasn’t sufficient. China would also have to do its bit to shape perceptions of itself in India—since even “small steps can have a deep impact on how our people see each other.”

There was also an emphasis on moving beyond Delhi, including through the establishment of the State and Provincial Leaders’ Forum, with a desire to increase and facilitate engagement at the state and city levels.

On the central level, there were decisions announced to enhance or institutionalize engagement at the leaders level, as well as between the foreign policy and planning bureaucracies, as well as the defense establishments. Modi also especially highlighted “Our decision to enhance strategic communication and coordination on our region…”

5. Regional and Global Issues. While there was mention of continuing cooperation towards the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, if Beijing was looking for an endorsement of its One Belt, One Road initiatives, it wasn’t forthcoming. Modi noted that both China and India were “trying to strengthen regional connectivity and seeking ‘to connect a fragmented Asia.’” But he distinguished between two types of projects: “There are projects we will pursue individually. There are few such as the Bangladesh-China-India-Myanmar Corridor that we are doing jointly.”

There was special mention of shared interests in West Asia and Afghanistan, as well as counterterrorism and climate change—the latter even got a separate joint statement. The main joint statement had an interesting reference to the two countries broadening cooperation in the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation—China is not a member, but many believe that it would like to be (India’s traditionally been hesitant for China to go beyond its observer role).

Modi also highlighted a “resurgent Asia” that offers “great promise, but also many uncertainties” and “an unpredictable and complex environment of shifting equations.”

Modi acknowledged China and India’s “shared neighbourhood,” where they were both increasing engagement. He also seemed to admit that this could cause concern and thus “deeper strategic communication to build mutual trust and confidence” was essential. Perhaps pointing to China’s relations with Pakistan and others in India’s neighborhood, Modi stressed, “We must ensure that our relationships with other countries do not become a source of concern for each other.” However, this also acknowledged Chinese anxieties about India’s evolving relationships.

For those in China concerned about India’s relations with the United States and if it was designed to contain China, Modi had a message: “If the last century was the age of alliances, this is an era of inter-dependence. So, talks of alliances against one another have no foundation. In any case, we are both ancient civilizations, large and independent nations. Neither of us can be contained or become part of anyone’s plans.”

6. The Image of a Confident India. Modi’s remarks seemed intended to exude confidence about India and its role in the world. He stated that in an age of many transformations, “the most significant change of this era is the re-emergence of China and India.” Laying out why India, in his perspective, is the next big thing, he seemed to suggest that it was in China’s interest to get on board the India train. He noted the political mandate he had, the steps his government had taken, and that “no other economy in the world offers such opportunities for the future as India’s.” The Indian prime minister asserted, “We are at a moment when we have the opportunity to make our choices.” He seemed to want to make clear that enhancing engagement with India would be the right one for China.

Bonus Takeaways

Winner: Social media—it’s been ubiquitous, from Modi joining China’s Weibo to the Modi selfie with Chinese Premier Li Keqiang to the continuation of the Modi-looking-at-things meme.

Loser: Panchsheel. It’d been a bit odd that India had continued to choose to mention Panchsheel and the Five Principles of Peaceful Coexistence—principles that are remembered by many in India as being honored by China in the breach than in the observance in the late 1950s and early 1960s. There was even a shout-out to it in the Modi-Xi joint statement in September 2014. But it’s missing in action in the 2015 joint statement and seems to have been replaced by this:

The leaders agreed that the process of the two countries pursuing their respective national developmental goals and security interests must unfold in a mutually supportive manner with both sides showing mutual respect and sensitivity to each other’s concerns, interests and aspirations. This constructive model of relationship between the two largest developing countries, the biggest emerging economies and two major poles in the global architecture provides a new basis for pursuing state-to-state relations to strengthen the international system.

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Highlights: PM Narendra Modi’s three days in China

Narendra modi is in shanghai on day 3 of his china visit..

Prime Minister Narendra Modi today left Shanghai for Mongolia after wrapping up his first-ever visit to China where he held talks with the country’s top leadership and signed key agreements to boost bilateral ties, including trade.

“Goodbye China! My gratitude for the warmth & hospitality. Will always remember my visit fondly,” the Prime Minister tweeted.

Goodbye China! My gratitude for the warmth & hospitality. Will always remember my visit fondly: PM @narendramodi Tweets — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

“Let’s make India-China ties even stronger in the years to come,” he said in another tweet.

Let’s make India-China ties even stronger in the years to come: PM @narendramodi Tweets — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

Modi, who was on a three-day maiden visit to China as the first stop of his three-nation tour, held talks with Chinese President Xi Jinping besides his counterpart Li Keqiang.

中国再见！感谢中国政府和人民的热情款待。我会永远的记得这次访问。未来这些年我们应该共同努力进一步加强印中关系。 — Narendra Modi (@narendramodi) May 16, 2015

On Day 3 of his China visit, Prime Minister Narendra Modi today met several Chinese CEOs in an attempt to woo them to come invest in India. Jack Ma of Alibaba was among those present in the meeting today in Shanghai.

[Read: Standing still no option, have to move ahead: PM Modi ]

[PHOTOS: Modi unleashes ‘selfie diplomacy’ in China ]

Day 1 saw PM Modi meeting Chinese President Xi Jinping in the latter’s hometown of Xi’an and the next day saw the Prime Minister travelling to Beijing to meet Chinese Premier Li Keqiang. India and China signed a record 24 bilateral agreements on Friday.

LIVE UPDATES

1: 10 pm:  Prime Minister Narendra Modi address the Indian community in Shanghai.

PM @narendramodi arrives for Indian Community Reception at ICBC World Expo Exhibition & Convention Centre pic.twitter.com/pwIXcirqPp — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

PM Modi woos the community by saying, he is trying to learn and implement the knowledge to develop India.

I had also said I am going learn whatever good is happening, as a student with an open mind: PM @narendramodi in Shanghai — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

PM Modi thanks the community and says, only Indian can elect a common man  as a Prime Minister of a country.

Prime Minister said, “The world is seeing this visit very closely. The President of China welcomed another leader in a place outside Beijing” for the first time.

The world is seeing this visit very closely. The President of China welcomed another leader in a place outside Beijing: PM @narendramodi — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

India and China represent one third of humanity. Together we can be a force of good for the entire world. pic.twitter.com/bLJECbRQr2 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

Prime Minister Modi, invokes the message of ‘Vasudhaiva-kutumbakam’ to the Indian community, says it it India that has taught every one that ‘world is one family’. “We have been taught the world is a family, ” Prime Minister said on Saturday.

Whole world is a family. Languages may vary, other features may differ but entire world is a family & thats what we have been taught: PM — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

Taking a dig at the previous governments, PM Modi says he has worked so much in a year, as he tried to complete 30 years of work. He said, “I am criticised for working hard. I am criticised for traveling.”

PM Modi expresses joy as he met students from two top universities in China.

The best part of my visit was the meetings I had with the youth, at two different functions: PM @narendramodi — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

Prime Minister said, “We must be proud of our country first, only then the world will praise us and accept us.”

Prime Minister also said, “Imperative that we increase people to people contact between India and China.”

Imperative that we increase people to people contact between India and China:PM @narendramodi at Community Reception pic.twitter.com/pA9IkhQWel — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

Prime Minister thanks the community for organising such an event and said, this event itself is a ‘historic’ moment in the developing relation between India and China.

12: 20 pm: Prime Minister Narendra Modi starts addressing the students at the Fudan University. Modi said, it is a historic and ‘pavitra’ (auspicious) occasion.

Today is historic. I have joined a very ‘Pavitra’ occasion here: PM @narendramodi — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

While addressing the students at the launch, Modi expressed joy as he got opportunity to connect with the ‘yuvas’ (youth) of two universities in his three-day visit.

PM expressed joy that in his three day visit he got the opportunity to interact with students in two universities. — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

Mahatma Gandhi is a ‘Yug Purush’ and a ‘Vishwa Manav’, says Prime Minister Modi says during his address to the students.

Mahatma Gandhi is a ‘Yug Purush’ and a ‘Vishwa Manav’: PM @narendramodi — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

Modi recalls Mahatma Gandhi and says, “Gandhian philosophy can help us in the fight against terrorism and deal with climate change.”

Gandhian philosophy can help us in the fight against terrorism and deal with climate change. PM @narendramodi at Fudan University — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

12: 16 pm : PM Modi is expected to address students at Fudan University shortly.

Historic launch of Centre for Gandhian & Indian Studies at Fudan University by PM @narendramodi pic.twitter.com/80C8zAlEJw — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

Chinese students reciting verses from the Bhagwad Gita at Opening Ceremony of Centre for Gandhian & Indian Studies pic.twitter.com/7drAj4jdEr — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

11:03 am : Here’s the food menu of the banquet hosted for PM Modi in Shanghai.

Shanghai vegetarian specials in honour of PM @narendramodi . Menu at Banquet hosted by Mr. Han Zheng pic.twitter.com/9ltFQbXgw5 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

11:00 am : PM Modi is currently meeting Shanghai Party Secretary Han Zheng

9:01 am : Right now, 21 business agreements worth about $22 billion are being signed at the India China Business Forum.

21 Business Agreements being signed between #IndiaChina worth USD 22billion at India-China Business Forum pic.twitter.com/GxNnnarTkg — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

8:57 am : India has always been a knowledge society. You have been an innovative society: PM Modi

The scope and potential, the breadth and length of infrastructure is very huge in India: PM Modi

‘We also want to promote manufacturing in a big way particularly to create jobs for our youth who form 65% of our population’: PM Modi

‘Indo-Chinese partnership should and will flourish’: PM Modi

‘Let us work together in mutual interest and for progress and prosperity of our great countries’: PM Modi

8:48 am : PM Modi is now speaking at the India China Business Forum in Shanghai.

I strongly believe that this century belongs to Asia: PM @narendramodi — PMO India (@PMOIndia) May 16, 2015

8:24 am: Chairmans of Huawei and Shanghai Media Group were among those present at the interaction between PM Modi and CEOs.

A who’s who of Chinese industry! Here’s the list of top business persons who attended the CEO’s interaction with PM pic.twitter.com/cbavTZt2Y4 — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

8:04 am : PM Modi gives Chinese CEOs a Five F formula.

The 5F Formula – From Farm to Fibre to Fabric to Fashion to Foreign! PM @narendramodi inviting Chinese CEO’s to Make in India — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

7:45 am : Xiaomi president Lin Bin told PM Modi that the company has big plans for India.

“We have some big plans for India, We fully support Make in India,” President of Xiaomi Lin Bin to PM @narendramodi pic.twitter.com/WahnxVAuoj — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

7:39 am : Liang Wengen, chairman of SANY, told the Prime Minister that India is a huge market and has a dynamic work force.

‘We are full of hope about India, which offers a dynamic work force and huge market “. Liang Wengen, Chairman SANY pic.twitter.com/hfV0CXvBPD — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

7:30 am : This is what Jack Ma of Alibaba fame told PM Modi in the meeting today.

“We are excited about India. We are excited about Make in India and Digital India.” Jack Ma of Alibaba to PM Modi pic.twitter.com/U46WKdT1nD — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

7: 17 am : PM Modi in a photo-op with Chinese CEOs in Shanghai.

Trillions of dollars under 1 roof! PM @narendramodi with Who’s Who of Chinese industry at CEO’s interaction Shanghai pic.twitter.com/NKzRvZvcrJ — Vikas Swarup (@MEAIndia) May 16, 2015

• Narendra Modi

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After delaying trip to India and meeting with Modi, Elon Musk lands in China for surprise visit

China is Tesla's second-largest market

Barely a week after he canceled his planned trip to India and meeting with Prime Minister Narendra Modi due to "very heavy Tesla obligations" Tesla CEO Elon Musk arrived in China for an unannounced visit.

The visit to China coincides with the 2024 Beijing Auto Show, which started on Thursday.

The visit also comes amid speculations that Musk may unveil Tesla's autonomous driving technology in the electric vehicle (EV) market in China. Tesla maker rolled out full self-driving four years ago. However, the company is yet to make this available in China.

According to a Reuters report, Musk, who reached Beijing on Sunday, is likely to meet senior company officials to discuss rolling out full self-driving software and permission to transfer data overseas.

Musk reportedly met Chinese Premier Li Qiang and discussed future expansion plans for his automobile company.

According to a CTGN report, Musk arrived in China at the invitation of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade. South China Morning Post reported that Musk may meet senior Chinese officials at the State Council and "old friends" in Beijing.

China is Tesla's second-largest market. The company has sold more than 1.7 million cars in China since it entered the market in 2012. The visit also comes even as the company is facing increased competition from local EV makers.

On Monday, postponing his planned visit to India , Musk had tweeted: "Unfortunately, very heavy Tesla obligations require that the visit to India be delayed, but I do very much look forward to visiting later this year."

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Elon Musk makes surprise visit to Beijing; meets Premier Li Qiang

Elon musk is expected to meet senior chinese officials at the state council and "old friends" in beijing..

On a surprise visit to Beijing amid speculation that he may unveil Tesla's autonomous driving technology in the burgeoning electric vehicle (EV) market in China, billionaire Elon Musk on Sunday met Chinese Premier Li Qiang and discussed future expansion plans for his automobile company.

Li told Musk that China's huge market will always be open to foreign-funded enterprises.

China will work hard on expanding market access and improving services to provide foreign-funded enterprises with a better business environment and stronger support so that companies from all countries can invest in China with peace of mind, he said.

Noting Tesla's development in China can be called a successful example of China-US economic cooperation, Li said facts have proven that equal cooperation and mutual benefit are in the best interests of the two countries.

It is hoped that the US and China will meet more halfway and promote the stable development of bilateral ties under the strategic guidance of the two heads of state, the Chinese premier said.

Also Read | Elon Musk's Tesla Autopilot probed after 20 crashed in months since recall

Musk said Tesla's Shanghai Gigafactory is Tesla's best-performing factory and expressed his willingness to deepen cooperation with China to achieve more win-win results, official media reported.

The SpaceX and Tesla chief travelled to China at the invitation of the China Council for the Promotion of International Trade, meeting with CCPIT president Ren Hongbin to discuss further cooperation with the country, official broadcaster CTGN reported.

Musk is expected to meet senior Chinese officials at the State Council and "old friends" in Beijing, Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post reported.

Also Read | What is Tesla's Model 2 and why India lost out

His Tesla has become a popular EV in China after he set up a USD seven billion factory in Shanghai which went into production in 2020.

Musk, who recently skipped a scheduled visit to India to meet Prime Minister Narendra Modi to firm up plans to open a Tesla factory in the country, is visiting Beijing when his Tesla market in China is threatened by the local EVs increasing sales.

The Austin-based (Texas) Tesla has faced fierce competition from Chinese EV makers in the past few years. It has cut the prices of its Shanghai-made vehicles by up to six per cent to maintain its leading position in China's premium EV segment.

Grace Tao, Tesla's vice-president of external relations in China, wrote a commentary piece in China's official newspaper People's Daily on Friday, saying autonomous driving is a key growth driver for the country's new energy vehicle sector, arguing that the technology will hatch new business models such as robotaxis, a vision that Musk has embraced, the Post reported.

Musk's latest visit to China coincides with the 2024 Beijing Auto Show, which kicked off on Thursday.

As a strong backer of Beijing in the US despite concerns over China's rise across the political divide in Washington, Musk enjoys red-carpet treatment in China.

In 2019, Tesla was allowed to drive cars into the Zhongnanhai compound, the living and working area of Chinese leaders, when former Premier Li Keqiang hosted the CEO, and during Musk's three-day visit to Beijing last June he was received by then foreign minister Qin Gang, according to the Post report.

The trip was warmly received by the Chinese public, with social-media posts focusing on the Chinese food Musk ate, and some referring to him as a "pioneer" and "brother Ma".

Tesla, the leader in China's premium EV segment, delivered 603,664 Model 3s and Model Ys made at its Shanghai Gigafactory to buyers in China last year, an increase of 37.3 per cent over 2022.

The growth rate matched the 37 per cent rise in sales recorded in 2022 when it delivered about 440,000 vehicles.

Tesla has sold more than 1.7 million cars in China since it entered the market in 2012 and located its biggest factory in Shanghai, where Musk enjoys high levels of political support for the project.

In a sign of its further commitment to China, Tesla bought a parcel of land in Shanghai to build a factory with a planned annual capacity of 10,000 Tesla Megapack batteries, which are used for battery storage stations.

His visit to China also coincides with Tesla's recent announcement to lay off "more than 10 per cent" of its global headcount to cut costs and boost productivity.

"As we prepare the company for our next phase of growth, it is extremely important to look at every aspect of the company for cost reductions and increasing productivity," Musk said in an email, adding that Tesla's growth has led to "duplication of roles and job functions in certain areas."

"As part of this effort, we have done a thorough review of the organization and made the difficult decision to reduce our headcount by more than 10 per cent globally. There is nothing I hate more, but it must be done. This will enable us to be lean, innovative and hungry for the next growth phase cycle," he said.

The layoffs that could impact more than 14,000 people came two weeks after the electric automaker reported its first year-over-year drop in sales in three years. The company has also warned that sales growth could be "notably lower" in 2024 than its stated goal of 50 per cent growth each year, according to a report by the state-run Xinhua news agency.

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Elon Musk on a 'surprise visit' to China after deferring his trip to India

Musk was scheduled to meet with prime minister narendra modi and announce plans to enter the indian market but postponed it citing 'tesla obligations.'.

• Updated Apr 28, 2024, 12:23 PM IST

Days after deferring his trip to India, Tesla CEO Elon Musk is reportedly heading to China for a surprise visit. 

China is Musk's second biggest market for Tesla. 

Musk was scheduled to meet with Prime Minister Narendra Modi and announce plans to enter the Indian market but postponed it citing 'Tesla obligations.' 

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He expressed intentions to reschedule the visit later this year, which was expected to include announcements of major investments in an auto factory aimed at producing a small, affordable model.  Musk, according to Reuters, is seeking to meet senior Chinese officials in Beijing to discuss the rollout of Full-Self Driving (FSD) software in China and to obtain approval to transfer data collected in the country abroad to train algorithms for its autonomous driving technologies.

Musk's visit to China was not flagged publicly, the report claimed.  

Falcon Landing?

The Reuters report said a Gulfstream private jet with tail number N272BG, registered to Falcon Landing, a company connected to SpaceX and Tesla, landed at Beijing Capital Airport on Sunday, citing Chinese flight tracking app Flight Manager.

The other jet registered under Falcon Landing is N628TS, which is Musk's main jet that he used to travel to China on his last trip nearly a year ago, when he met with Chinese government officials in Beijing and visited Tesla's Shanghai factory.

Musk's visit coincides with the Beijing autoshow, which opened last week and ends on May 4. Tesla does not have a booth at China's largest autoshow and last attended in 2021. Tesla recently said it will be using its existing factories to produce new and more affordable vehicles.

This renders plans for new factories in Mexico and India in an uncertain state at least for the foreseeable future. The EV manufacturer aims to increase production by 50 per cent compared from 2023 to nearly 3 million vehicles before considering investments in new manufacturing lines.

While this approach may result in less cost reduction than previously anticipated, Tesla emphasized its ability to prudently expand vehicle volumes in a more capital-efficient manner amid uncertain market conditions.

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