post colonial tourism

Tourism Review

Accueil Numéros 16 Tourism in the context of postcol...

Tourism in the context of postcolonial and decolonial paradigms

Texte intégral, tourism studies and the postcolonial paradigm: a french exception.

1 Given that France was historically the second largest colonial empire, and that the colonies acted as powerful catalysts of globalization of tourism (Baranowski and Furlough, 200; Zytnicki and Kazdaghli, 2009), there are remarkably few francophone studies on the postcolonial dimensions of the practices, sites, and imaginaries of contemporary tourism or on the production of norms governing its economic, social, and political organization (Boukhris and Chapuis, 2016). As co-editors of this special issue, our approach aims to fill this gap. Our questioning has its roots in our own research experiences, marked by movements between several academic environments as well as research in various postcolonial contexts: the Americas (Costa Rica, the Caribbean) and Europe, as well as the socialist postcoloniality (Pelley, 2002; Bayly, 2007) of the former French colony of Vietnam. Our discourse is also situated in France, a context that appears as an exception in the production and reception of the postcolonial paradigm due to the difficulties in voicing them encountered in both academia and education. We found a few early endeavours introducing these approaches in geography (Staszak et al. , 2003; Chivallon, 2007; Collignon, 2007) that nevertheless encountered fierce opposition (Lacoste, 2010). Our situated perspectives oblige us to analyze the French reception of the postcolonial paradigm and we invite the international readers of this journal, to carry out this same exercise of critical analysis of their respective national academic traditions or to re-explore it. This examination serves as a laboratory of the way our contemporary societies engage with their slave, colonial and/or imperial pasts.

2 This situation is not limited to geography or tourism studies: rather it results from the marginal and controversial place that the postcolonial paradigm occupies in France (Bancel, 2012). This “ dense and multifaceted intellectual constellation ” (Mbembe, 2010) was introduced belatedly to the French academic landscape. For instance, Edward Saïd’s major contribution, was published in 1978 and translated only two years later 1980, but the first seminar on the “postcolonial situation”, was not held until 2006 at the School of Advanced Studies in the Social Science (Smouts, 2007) and received harsh criticism (Amselle, 2008; Bayart, 2010). Even though elements had been formulated in France before the 1980s (Balandier, 1951), they were for a long time confined to the study of a limited historical period, that of the independence achieved by former colonies, at which time the colonial state apparatus was transformed. However, the term “postcolonial” is not simply a historical concept. It rather bears a much broader epistemological dimension (Lazarus, 2006) that allows deconstructing the “ ideological discourses of hegemonic modernity that attempt to legitimize uneven development and differentiated and often unbalanced histories of nations, races, communities, and peoples ” (Bhabha, 1994, p. 171). This is what makes postcolonial studies a paradigm, and that is how we approach it in this special issue. Hence, the postcolonial dimension cannot be reduced to a historical period, as if it was only the result of a situation requiring repentance (Lefeuvre, 2006). Rather, the objective is to understand the overall implications of colonization in the touristic organization of colonized societies (past, present, and future), and beyond that, understand the structures of the colonial thought, what Edward Saïd calls imperialism: the practice, theory, and conduct of a metropolitan centre governing a distant territory, long after colonialism. However, tourism has been a powerful carrier and transmitter of these structures of thought. In that respect, the postcolonial paradigm stems not only from a criticism of how contemporary tourist societies function, but also from the expectation of compensation, sharing, and reciprocity, for which the tourism economy can contribute (Berger, 2006; Mbembe et al. , 2006).

1 French-speaking countries.

3 It is no coincidence that postcolonial studies were first taught in foreign languages and literature departments in Great Britain, the United States, and Australia (Ashcroft, Griffiths et Tiffin . , 1989): examining Aimé Césaire, Léopold Senghor, Edouard Glissant, and Franz Fanon in departments of French studies, or Salman Rushdie and Arundhati Roy in Indian studies, helped to envisage these literary productions as privileged arenas of commitment and struggle. The same could be said for certain tourist spaces. Nonetheless, by confining these authors to such a relatively marginal category — francophonie 1 —contemporary university teaching in France has from the beginning missed the postcolonial turn. Furthermore, while postcolonial studies became mainstream in the United States, and all the social sciences are becoming postcolonial (Smouts, 2007), it seems as though French academic institutions, which are still deeply structured by disciplinary approaches and reluctant to cross boundaries, remained locked within a debate consisting of opponents vs partisans. Yet, paradoxically, proponents of English-speaking postcolonial studies were in fact inspired mainly by a theoretical corpus circulating in the United States produced by French authors (Cusset, 2003), particularly Michel Foucault, whom Edward Saïd explicitly refers to when he articulates power and the production of knowledge about an essentialized and marginalized other, in his seminal work on Orientalism. In this regard, Saïd’s work became influential in tourism studies since the 1990s (Hall and Tucker, 2005; Carrigan, 2011), contributing to more general discussions on the construction of identities and alterities, exoticism, folklore, and the touristic experience itself (Edensor, 1998), particularly in former colonies, where it was historically been invoked by the United Nations and international funders as a lever for development (Craik, 1994; Cousin, 2008; Peyvel, 2017). But it was not until the 2000’s that such reflections were tentatively promoted in the French language, thus participating in deconstructing narrative patterns related to tropical islands as exotic paradises, or authorizing the eroticization of female and juvenile bodies viewed as subaltern (Staszak, 2003, 2008; Decoret-Ahiha, 2004; Belmenouar and Combier, 2007). These works have shown how tourism systems built during the colonial period still deeply affect formerly colonized territories today, from both material and discursive perspectives (Peyvel, 2011; Vieillard-Baron, 2011; Bandyopadhyay, 2012; Buckley, 2013). Negotiations with the past in the service of tourism development often appear as sources of conflict, particularly when they relate to heritage issues (El Kadi, Ouallet and Couret, 2005; Hall and Tucker, 2005): far from being consensual, these fields of action reproduce or reconfigure profoundly unequal power relations, not only between the former colonizers and the colonized, but also within the local populations, challenging the potentially emancipatory role of tourism. The complex temporality in which these touristic products take place is thus apprehended from a heuristic perspective using the postcolonial paradigm, which invites us to consider in the long term the overall circulation of practices, imaginaries, and sites between metropolises and their ancient empires, in the wake of cultural studies (Bhabha, 1994; Appadurai, 1996). Indeed, the proponents of subaltern and cultural studies have introduced stimulating theoretical and methodological proposals: the notion of agency (Guha, 1983; Spivak, 1988), the study of diasporas (Hall, 1990; Clifford, 1992; Gilroy, 1993), as well as the concepts of third-space and mimicry (Bhabha, 1994). These have considerably enriched the ways of understanding power relations from the constitution of colonial empires, particularly in the understanding of resistance, recomposition, and arrangement tactics implemented by oppressed populations. Subaltern studies also contributed to putting analytical frameworks in perspective, such as “provincializing Europe” (Chakrabarty, 2000). This renewed vision of the interplay of actors has made it possible to better understand, for example, the conflicts inherent in the memory of slavery in France (Chivallon, 2006). Even more recently, materialistic approaches centered on practices have been developed, for example on prostitution transactions in a touristic context (Roux, 2011), on the circulation of ideas associated with bodies (Condevaux, 2011), and sex/gender identities (Rebucini, 2013).

• 2 “ Le ‘décolonialisme’, une stratégie hégémonique : l’appel de 80 intellectuels ”, Le Point , November (...)

4 This belated and contentious reception of the postcolonial paradigm illustrates the difficulties in contemporary France of thinking critically about racial difference and the present legacies of slavery and colonial history. Indeed, the republican universalism that characterizes the “French exception” within Western multicultural societies (Simon, 2010) and the legacy of the assimilationist apparatus (Hajjat, 2012) do not help us think about the process of racialization and its colonial genealogy (Fassin and Fassin, 2006). More recently, the decolonial paradigm also made its entry in French academic studies, now having its own research networks, seminars and publications. It has also given rise to virulent disputes, as demonstrated by the many widely publicized petitions 2 .

The heuristic dimension and paradoxes of the decolonial paradigm in tourism studies

• 3 These intellectuals are all members of the group Modernity/Coloniality, created in 1998. Among them (...)
• 4 Obviously, numerous theoreticians of the postcolonial thought originate from the South (G. Spivak, (...)

5 Without skipping a thorough critical analysis of multifaceted movements characterized by multidisciplinary productions of academia and activists, Capucine Boidin deconstructs the “three crippling pitfalls” (Boidin, 2009, p. 1) formulated by the detractors of the post and decolonial movements, which are US-centrism, Manicheist dualism, and essentialism of the research produced. In this regard, the special issue Boidin co-edited with Fatima Hurtado Lopez (2009) marks an important step in francophone academia in thinking about this “decolonial turn” driven by Latin American (Spanish and Portuguese) 3 and Caribbean thinkers. The diversity of the South American and Caribbean schools of thought attempts to overcome the Eurocentrism of postcolonial criticisms 4 , addressing a multitude of topics beyond the analysis of discourses and a multitude of fields beyond British colonial legacies. Decolonial studies elaborated from reflections on Spanish and Portuguese Empires and the conquest of the Americas articulate economic, historical, sociological, and philosophical analyses. Founded on reflections associated with the colonial forms of power (Quijano, 1992), knowledge (Lander, 2000), and being (Maldonado-Torres, 2007) that persist after decolonization, they seek to deconstruct the colonial matrix forged in the Caribbean and American spaces, and a constituent of Western modernity (Mignolo, 2011). Decolonial studies notably attempt to demonstrate the complex historical interconnections between economic phenomena and racial/class power relations and their contemporary reconfigurations: how did violent and oppressive discourses and practices articulated with socio-racial and hierarchization processes survive various space-times throughout the expansion of capitalism and beyond decolonization? Thus the heterogeneity of these studies invites us to go beyond the critique of a threat to universalism (Grosfoguel, 2010; Hurtado Lopez, 2017; Bachir Diagne, 2018) and demonstrates the need to shift the analysis from the “colonization” to the “colonial relations” (L’Estoile, 2008) in order to consider how those relations still persist in the present time under various reconfigurations.

6 There is a growing body of work in tourism studies that attempts to mobilize the decolonial paradigm and invite us to re-examine analytical categories forged in the Western academic field and, particularly in the English-speaking world. Donna Chambers and Christine Buzinde (2015) advocate for the heuristic dimension of decolonial theories in tourism studies and point out the growing recognition within academia of the Eurocentrism of former knowledge related to tourism: “ It is also increasingly acknowledged within the tourism academy that our existing knowledge about tourism is Eurocentric and therefore ignores and negates those knowledges which emanate from other cultures and from traditionally marginalised groups (Hollinshead, 1992, 2013; Whittaker, 1999; Teo and Leong, 2006; Tribe, 2006, 2007; Platenkamp and Botterill, 2013) ” (Chambers, Buzinde, 2015, p. 2). In an attempt to respond to that same criticism of the Eurocentrism of tourism studies, Erik Cohen and Scott A. Cohen (2015) propose to integrate tourism within the larger paradigm of mobilities, thereby contributing to the positive evolution of epistemological, theoretical, and empirical approaches of the knowledge generated. Chambers and Buzinde (2015)—who identify themselves as black women working on the topic of tourism—make a major contribution to that criticism of tourism studies’ research agenda considered Eurocentric and colonial: “ We do not wish to suggest that Western perspectives have no value and should therefore be summarily dismissed, but that we have privileged these perspectives and have consequently subordinated and even silenced other knowledges from the South, which have equal legitimacy. ” (Chambers, Buzinde, 2015, p. 4). They thus reflexively revisit their own research trajectories so as to understand the unconscious, biases, and construction of their framework of analysis which are deeply rooted in the dominant Western epistemology. Indeed, they acknowledge the situated and historical formation of the dominant epistemology. They emphasize the need to mobilize critical theoretical research other than that resulting from the postcolonial theory in order to really set in motion the decolonization of knowledge. They refer to the concepts of the West Indian psychiatrist Frantz Fanon, the Jamaican poet Louise Bennett-Coverley, the Saint-Lucian poet Derek Walcott, or the Kenyan writer Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o. We want to raise the issue of language, central to this epistemological decolonization, as highlighted by Ngũgĩ wa Thiong'o. Therefore, we particularly mentioned in our call for papers our wish to welcome Creole contributions for instance. In that respect, the multi-language project of Via Journal seems to us to be a fundamental approach in the emergence of plural forms of naming, writing, and thinking about the objects of tourism.

7 We can mention a few articles driven by this decolonial agenda such as the work of two Brazilian researchers (Freire-Medeiros and Name, 2017) who aim to rethink the historicity of the “mobilities” paradigm (Urry, 2007) introduced as “new”, although it was previously addressed by numerous Latin American authors. Hence, they claim the importance of deconstructing the Eurocentrism of the production of knowledge that naturalizes categories such as cosmopolitism or modernity mobilized to think about contemporary mobilities. They specifically insist on the historicity of the circulation of persons, capitals, images, ideas, resources, and goods since the 15 th  century. Analyzing the implementation of the cable car built over the favelas of Rio de Janeiro as part of the touristic development strategy, they reconsider the historical discourse about Rio de Janeiro as a “tropical” city, such tropicality being directly embedded in asymmetrical power relations between Europe and the Americas. The production of the modern city according to European aesthetic, cultural, economic and political norms by the white elites is linked to the production of the favelas as a racialized landscape. This historical contextualization of urban production therefore makes it possible to think about the colonial genealogy of the production of the favelas as the landscape of Otherness. The authors deconstruct the situated regime of visibility which produces a landscape intended to be consumed by the “tourist gaze”. They invite us to reflect on the coloniality, still under-emphasized , that takes place in the transformation of the favelas into tourist destinations operated by public policies. This approach highlights how a research object, the cable car, that could have been apprehended from the perspective of urban public policies related to transportation and accessibility, is considered as a meaningful technological tool, a vector of aesthetic, visual, ideological values at the heart of a historical apparatus of power/knowledge.

8 Other articles propose to adopt a decolonial lens in the analysis of urban renewal projects built around the development of cultural and creative industries as well as the enhancement of public space. For example, Nizaiá Cassián-Yde (2019) analyzes the role of public and private stakeholders who mobilize discourses on the “right to the city” and urban democratization in the production of antiseptic, Eurocentric public space, in the city of Guadalajara in Mexico. He thus advocates for the decolonization of our urban imaginaries and calls for the consideration of other urban epistemologies which reinvent norms and reshape urban spatialities based on subaltern experiences.

9 The decolonial approach is also mobilized to consider the limits of tourism growth and particularly the notion of “degrowth” based on other forms of epistemologies such as that of “ Buen Vivir ” that derives from Latin American Indigenous cosmogony (Chassagne and Everingham, 2019). Acknowledging the fluid and plural meanings of the notion of “ Buen vivir ” understood as a holistic vision of socio-environmental well-being, Natasha Chassagne and Phoebe Everingham (2019) analyze tourism development initiatives carried out in an Ecuadorian community, envisioned as an alternative to extractivist economies. The authors don not mobilize the paradigm of sustainability or models of poverty reduction as analytical frameworks to think about community-based tourism, but rather focus on discourses, norms, and practices articulated to the “ Buen Vivir ” philosophy embracing both humans and non-humans. However, the article does not lend sufficient attention to Indigenous voices while one of the main issues at stake is about elaborating a participatory and integrated approach of tourism development based on traditional knowledge. A similar approach based on the mobilization of Indigenous cosmogonies of “well-being” can be found in the analysis of ecotourism in Brokpa communities of Bhutan (Karst, 2017). The article emphasizes the necessity of promoting a plurality of non-occidental voices and questioning analytical categories from the Western epistemology. Accordingly, the author suggests consideration other forms of relations with Nature based on non-naturalist ontologies (Descola, 2005) in order to think about ecotouristic practices in protected areas. Undoubtedly, the author could have gone further in re-examining the dominant epistemology of conservation represented by the very idea of protected areas. This draws attention to the difficulties in going beyond a thinking of the “alternative” within an analytical framework that remains dominant.

• 5 Bunten Is a Native-Alaskan whose own research examined of the situated expectations of American tou (...)

10 Indeed, the publication coedited by anthropologists Alexis Bunten 5 and Nelson Graburn (2018), Indigenous Tourism Movements , focusing on tourism projects among different Indigenous communities in Australia, the Americas and Africa, and the role of tourism in the reconfiguration of power relations, raises the question of situated knowledge and attests to the difficulties of mobilizing subaltern voices within academia. The co-editors explain their primary concern in involving Indigenous voices in their research project, not just as respondents but by inviting researchers from Indigenous communities as producers of academic knowledge, allowing to partly go beyond the dissymmetry of the anthropologist-respondent relationship and avoid duplicating some sort of epistemic violence. However, they also point to their failure to mobilize these voices, recognizing that Indigenous colleagues might be involved in social and political struggles otherwise more urgent that editing a volume of academic research. This leads us to focus on the impasse of a paradigm that aims to mobilize other epistemologies to reflect on the world but that can also be stuck in the contradictions of academic works situated within the dominant epistemology and from the academic institution. In the meantime, intermediary actions can be taken, as suggested by Freya Higgins-Desbiolles and Kyle Powys Whyte in their deconstruction of the “ critical turning point ” of tourism studies: “ How many of the self-declared critical tourism scholars come from communities of colour and for those that come from communities of privilege how often do they seek collaborative opportunities with those that come from other backgrounds? Without these bonds of solidarity, we find ourselves in danger of talking for others or even talking only amongst those like ourselves at a complete disconnect from the people at the ‘coalface’ of tourism’s negative impacts ” (Higgins-Desbiolles, Powys Whyte, 2013, p. 432).

11 With that in mind, we wish to reconsider the essay proposed by Sarani Pitor Pakan from the Wageningen University in Holland, “ Can the ‘Other’ Frame Back in Tourism Studies? Experimenting to Respond in an Asymmetrical Dialogue ” in a format that goes beyond the normative frame of a scientific. This essay offers an Indonesian researcher’s situated trajectory in the field of tourism studies. “ As a researcher from the South, I am tempted to write with a certain degree of rage […] against the ignorance that has silenced the voices from (the) South all this time ”: this is the author’s project - to reconsider, in a reflexive process, his attempt to overturn the asymmetrical power relations between the representations of the “East” and the “West” based on an analysis of the photographic practices of Indonesian tourists to the Netherlands. Recognizing the contradictions of a project that would imply symmetric power relations between Orientalism and Occidentalism, Sarani Pitor Pakan (2020, in this volume) delivers a narrative marked by the problematic of the deconstruction of the coloniality of knowledge.

12 While not exhaustive, these few examples of recent works in tourism studies illustrate different research objects apprehended from a decolonial perspective, revisiting historical and contemporary arrangements of knowledge-power in multiple touristic situations, mobilizing or calling on the conception of other epistemologies to reflect on the spatial practices and imaginaries, while also emphasizing the insoluble contradictions of such a project.

Rethinking dialectically the centre and periphery: for a critical approach to tourism within former colonial and imperial metropolises

13 One of the first axes of our call for contributions proposed to decentre the perspective of postcolonial approaches based on formerly colonized countries and/or those under imperial domination (Hancock, 2009), and to encourage critical analyses of tourism stakeholders, places, practices, and imaginaries within the “North(s)”. Indeed, the history interwoven between colonies and the European metropolis made a lasting mark on these two spaces, long considered as radically distant and different, even though they have co-constructed themselves (Cooper and Stoler, 1997). Both colonial and imperial cultures (Blanchard and Lemaire, 2004) had long lasting impacts on European metropolises in a dialectic relation that postcolonial and/or decolonial paradigms strongly encourage us to explore. Urban space, architecture, heritage, culture (from museum collections to the performing arts), all of which are objects of tourism studies, endured power relationships inscribed in a colonial genealogy and are continually reconfigured in the present time. There are of course francophone researches that do not directly refer to these paradigms questioning colonial tourism systems within former colonial metropolises, like those concerning zoos (Estebanez, 2010). Other works have dealt with related issues: recent debates surrounding the burkini on French beaches, problematic vacations of descendants of immigrants in Algeria (Bidet and Devienne, 2017), or the controversial creation of the Hôtel du Nord, a cooperative of residents working in tourism in Marseille’s northern districts (Hascoet and Lefort, 2015).

14 The European scene indeed offers a particularly interesting context of mobilization from minority social groups (claiming their “Afropeanity”, Afro-feminism, or Indigeneity) in media, cultural, heritage, and touristic projects. The case of France is characteristic of the powerful upswing of counter-hegemonic narratives since the early 2000s, emphasizing the multiculturalism of French society and the power relations at stake. A number of these projects are based on a heritage, cultural, and touristic approach, for example the tourism project of “ Paris noir ” (black Paris) (Boukhris, 2017).

15 In this issue, we would have liked to welcome critical analyses from these actors, places, imaginaries, and tourism practices at the margin of the conventional tourism developments, but unfortunately, we have not received any such contribution. We believe that this is a wider indication of the difficulty for tourism studies to grasp the postcolonial or decolonial perspective in the North(s). To that effect, it is not just about the modalities of the touristification of material and immaterial traces of the colonial past. As Ann Laura Stoler (2016) rightly says, the difficulty precisely resides in the way we, social scientists, apprehend what falls under the category “postcolonial”, as if there were research objects properly labelled “postcolonial” (exoticism, orientalism, museums’ colonial collections, built heritage from the slavery and colonial periods, etc.), and other objects not covered by this framework. She invites us to reconsider today’s imperial continuities and to identify the existing colonial dynamics shaping nowadays multiple spaces, practices, and imaginaries, from borders to security issues, from the environment to the economy, as many objects questioned by tourism studies.

16 It is from that same angle that Michael O’Regan’s (2020, in this volume) analysis of the secretive economy of the casinos in Macau can be understood as a reconfiguration of the colonial order. Tourism is then conceived as a hegemonic project that establishes a regime of truth and visibility. It is also the approach proposed by Habib Saidi (2020, in this volume) when he examines the work relationships in the Tunisian hospitality sector. He analyzes the “domination technologies” of subaltern bodies implemented in hotels in the context of a “bio-hospitality” based on an ethnography conducted in these hotels along Tunisian coast.

For a materialistic approach to the making of alterities and identities in the touristic context

17 The objective of the second axis of our call for papers was to participate in making more complex the bilateral frame for thought that, if it constitutes a fundamentally asymmetric dimension of imperialism, should not be locked in infernal dyads, thus essentializing the strict relationship colonizer/colonized. In this regard, this second axis encouraged a materialistic approach to de-compartmentalizing the creation of alterities and identities in a tourism context, through the analysis of the effects of categorization, prioritization, and domination and the (re)production of inequalities and power relations based on race, class, and gender that tourism may trigger.

18 In this approach, the concept of “agency” appeared as a promising notion to tackle such complex colonial relations as: interest, opportunism, adhesion, but also how avoidance and resistance at the face of imperialist powers depend on political actions, whose arenas today are also touristic. That is why this second topic was meant to be inclusive of all forms of tactics and accommodations employed in tourism—including within minority populations in the “North(s)”—faced with daily forms of marginalization and oppression, whether social and/or racial discriminations, homo/lesbo/transphobia, (dis)ableism, or sexism.

19 Even though this part of the call was not fully answered, we received proposals related to the circulation and re-appropriation of colonial grids of thought in the construction of social, racial, and gender hierarchies, reflected in museums dedicated to categories of population (museums of ethnology, women’s museums…), and more generally in Nations’ landmarks, where domestic tourism traffic may officially be supported in order to strengthen national identity and simultaneously legitimize the organization of a country’s diversity (Cabasset, 2000; Peyvel, 2016; Michalon, 2020). In that axis, we encouraged research that focused on tourism economies—in the context of domestic tourism—exploiting alterities founded on ethnic and gender categorizations, in order to better delineate the underlying mechanisms of domination: marginalization of certain populations designated as “others” in the touristification of a country; alteration and legitimized monopolization of tourism resources by a small number; population groups designated as “others” turned into spectacles by the local elite… Sarah Coulouma’s text (2020, in this volume) on the touristification of the Wa people in China, as a form of domestic primitivism in the Chinese province of Yunnan, falls under that framework.

20 Furthermore, because colonization often resulted in the forced movement of populations on an unprecedented scale, it led to the production of multiple identities for the affected populations whose territorial anchors as well as social, racial, and gender situations can be complex. Tourism participates very concretely in the production of alterities and identities, from the family to the transnational level, notably through “diasporic” or “roots” tourism. Anthony Goreau-Ponceaud’s contribution (2020, in this volume), discussing tourism policies of the Indian state, participates to this reflection on fluid identities, through hybridizations and ethnic mixtures, to better grasp the role of tourism in the material and discursive effectiveness of transnational networks in the production of contemporary identities and alterities.

21 Finally, the interview conducted with the anthropologist Nelson Graburn (2020, in this volume) is an invitation for us researchers to develop a critical reflection of the production of our situated knowledge. Recalling close to sixty years of research in arts, culture, and tourism, in areas ranging from Canada to Japan or China, he shares the various socio-historical and academic contexts that led to his empirical, theoretical, methodological, and epistemological choices. He sheds light on the growing emergence of postcolonial and decolonial paradigms. As an anthropologist following a path of plural international mobilities, Nelson Graburn offers us a very interesting insight on the various reflections conducted in several academic spaces (Brazil, China, Japan, etc.) and the resistance against what he calls the “Anglophone snake”, resulting in subaltern anthropologies of tourism.

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2 “ Le ‘décolonialisme’, une stratégie hégémonique : l’appel de 80 intellectuels ”, Le Point , November 2018 (« Decolonialism, an hegemonic strategy: the call of 80 intellectuals »; “ La pensée ‘décoloniale’ renforce le narcissisme des petites différences ”, Le Monde , September 2019 (« Decolonial thinking reinforces the narcissism of small differences »).

3 These intellectuals are all members of the group Modernity/Coloniality, created in 1998. Among them are: the sociologist Aníbal Quijano, the semiologist Walter D. Mignolo, the anthropologist Arturo Escobar, the sociologist Edgardo Lander, the anthropologist Fernando Coronil, the philosopher Nelson Maldonado Torres, the sociologist Ramón Grosfoguel, and the philosopher Enrique Dussel (non-exhaustive list).

4 Obviously, numerous theoreticians of the postcolonial thought originate from the South (G. Spivak, H. Bhabha, E. Said, to name just a few), but their epistemologies remain deeply set in the Western world, mobilizing concepts that derive from poststructuralism and postmodernism.

5 Bunten Is a Native-Alaskan whose own research examined of the situated expectations of American tourists and Native guides and the resultant discourse in Sitka, Alaska. To reach beyond the limited academic world she published her dissertation as a trade book So, how long have you been Native? Life as an Alaska Native tour guide. (2015)

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Linda Boukhris et Emmanuelle Peyvel , « Tourism in the context of postcolonial and decolonial paradigms », Via [En ligne], 16 | 2019, mis en ligne le 30 mars 2020, consulté le 03 avril 2024. URL : http://journals.openedition.org/viatourism/4119 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/viatourism.4119

Linda Boukhris

MCF, Université Paris 1 Panthéon Sorbonne, IREST, [email protected]

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Postcolonial Tourism: Literature, Culture, and Environment

This book is the first literary study of postcolonial tourism. Looking at the cultural and ecological effects of mass tourism development in highly exoticized island states that are still grappling with the legacies of western colonialism, Carrigan contends that postcolonial writers not only dramatize the industry’s most exploitative operations but also provide blueprints toward sustainable tourism futures. By locating this argument in the context of interdisciplinary tourism research, the study shows how imaginative literature can extend some of this field’s key theoretical concepts while making an important contribution to the interface between postcolonial studies and ecocriticism. The book also presents a framework for analyzing how an industry that is subject to constant media attention and involves a huge proportion of the global population shapes the cultural, social, and environmental milieux of postcolonial texts.

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